Gender, social competence, and symptomatology in schizophrenia: a longitudinal analysis

The relationship between gender and social skill measured by performance on a role play test was examined in a sample of 57 schizophrenics, 33 affective disorder patients, and 20 nonpatient controls. Female schizophrenics were more skilled than male schizophrenics, but no gender differences were present in the affective patients or the controls. Longitudinal analyses conducted on the schizophrenic group indicated that the superior social skill of women was stable over the year following a symptom exacerbation. Symptoms and social adjustment improved for both men and women over the year, but did not differ according to gender. The implications of the results for gender differences in the long-term outcome of schizophrenia are discussed.     

Bain on Neural Networks

In his bookMind and body(1873), Bain set out an account in which he related the processes of associative memory to the distribution of activity in neural groupings—or neural networks as they are now termed. In the course of this account, Bain anticipated certain aspects of connectionist ideas that are normally attributed to 20th-century authors—most notably Hebb (1949). In this paper we reproduce Bain's arguments relating neural activity to the workings of associative memory which include an early version of the principles enshrined in Hebb's neurophysiological postulate. Nonetheless, despite their prescience, these specific contributions to the connectionist case have been almost entirely ignored. Eventually, Bain came to doubt the practicality of his own arguments and, in so doing, he seems to have ensured that his ideas concerning neural groupings exerted little or no influence on the subsequent course of theorizing in this area.     

Moving the debate forward in small steps: A reply to Morrison

Morrison (1996) criticised the authors' 1995 evaluation on three main grounds: that it was too narrow, that it was circular, and that the model evaluated was contradictory. It is argued that the narrow focus was deliberate, that the methodology was standard and logical, and that the framework evaluated was coherent. Although the authors agree with Morrison in some respects, e.g. on the value of variety of methodology, there seems to be a basic difference in view on scientific method. The authors see research as (mainly) small steps which are erratic but generally cumulative; Morrison appears to favour grand-scale, multi-purpose research.     

African American men's Gender Role Conflict: The significance of racial identity

This study examined the relationships between racial identity attitudes and gender role conflict in a sample of 95 African American men ages 23–80 years old. Participants completed the 1981 Black Racial Identity Attitude Scale by Parham and Helms and the 1986 Gender Role Conflict Scale by O'Neil, Helms, Gable, David, and Wrightsman. Results indicated that racial identity attitudes were differentially related to patterns of gender role conflict when racial identity is externally defined. However, an internally defined racial identity had no relationship to gender role conflict. Results are discussed in terms of the significance of racial identity for understanding African American men's conflict associated with traditional male gender role standards and expectations.     

Negative and affirmative precepts

Summary That negative precepts play the critical role in the generalization principle is a consequence of the relationship of negative to affirmative precepts, i.e. that the negative give the essential negative condition for observing the affirmative precept. This relationship in turn is based on the nature of: 1) the negative precept which obliges to inaction and consequently demands action in order to violate it; 2) the affirmative precept which obliges to action and can be violated by inaction. Since action requires agency, and agency involves more responsibility than does the non-agency present in violating affirmative percepts, we conclude that violating negative precepts demands more responsibility and consequently that they oblige more than do affirmative precepts. To emphasize this critical role of agency I shall conclude with an example proposed by Michael Tooley: Imagine a machine which contains two children, John and Mary. If one pushes a button, John will be killed, but Mary will emerge unharmed. If one does not push the button, John will emerge unharmed, but Mary will be killed. In the first case one kills John, while in the second case one merely lets Mary die. Does one seriously wish to say that the action of intentionally refraining from pushing the button is morally preferable to the action of pushing it, even though exactly one person will perish in either case?²⁰ Tooley's judgment on this example indicates that the outcome - in either case one person will perish - is the sole moral determinant (intentions do not enter this case) and that agency of pushing the button is of no moral significance. Yet, if you, the reader, stood before this machine and tried to decide what you should do, the fact of your agency in pushing the button would control your decision. Consider pushing the button. What reason could you have for that action? That otherwise Mary would die. But who can say that Mary's life is more valuable than John's? That Mary will die is no valid reason for pushing the button. But what of saving Mary's life? You can't do that without yourself actively killing John. But if you don't, Mary will die. This is true, but she will not die from your agency, and this is critical to your choice. What a machine may or may not do may or may not be under your control. What you do is under your control, and you may not do evil, not even that good may come of it. Consequently, you would be forced to say: the decision of intentionally refraining from pushing the button is morally preferable to the action of pushing it even though exactly one person perishes in either case.     

Coincidence anticipation of young normal and handicapped children

Two coincident-timing experiments examined the role of three different target velocities and display extents and three age levels of normal and retarded children. Subjects made a ballistic response to a target moving horizontally across their visual field. In the first experiment there were generally no clear differences between normal and retarded children on the task, with subjects having difficulty for both the slow and fast target speeds. In the second experiment, with target velocity held constant, no significant differences were reported between normal and handicapped children, although the longer the subjects were allowed to view the target the more accurate they were. The data were discussed in terms of the response strategies to perform anticipatory ballistic movements. An ecological issue was raised which suggested that children as well as adults make their most accurate anticipations when confronted with velocity problems that have been experienced in their everyday world.     

Absence of color selectivity in the visual movement aftereffect

Lovegrove, Over, and Broerse (1972) reported that the magnitude of the movement aftereffect was reduced when the colors of the inducing and test stimuli differed, relative to when they were the same. Since this result is contrary to some earlier findings, four experiments were conducted to examine this claim. Neither the duration nor the magnitude (as measured by manual tracking) of the aftereffect generated by rotary or linear movement of contours were found to be affected by the color combinations of the inducing and stationary patterns.