党給了我新的生命

我原是甘肃省会宁县人。我听老人說,大概是民国二十多年的时候,因天大旱庄稼全給晒焦了,家家沒收下一粒粮,都往外地逃起荒来。我們一家六口人:嫂子、姊姊饿死了,爹领着我媽妈、哥哥和才只有八岁的我,也是一路要着吃向外逃,要不着就挖吃野菜。当逃到了固原县海子峽时,我爹饿得实在撑不住了,就叫我哥哥去到路边一棵杏树上摘几个杏子来,沒想到叫有錢的财主看見了,二話沒說跑过来对着我爹举棍就是两棒,就这样送了他老人的性命。当时,我妈哭的死去活来。妈领着哥哥和我可往那里走啊,不知是往东有村,还是往西有店,真是唤天天不     

评K.科西克的《具体的辩证法》

科西克的新作表明,为了促进哲学的发展,不仅需要哲学史著作、哲学批判著作、宣传与解释经典作品的著作,而且首先需要真正的哲学著作。而科西克的新作《具体的辩证法》正是在本体论方面具有独到之处的哲学作品。科西克在该书的每个重要章节中,都以各种方式提出并解决客观现实的问题。他认为:不能把马克思主义哲学限制为方法论、认识论或者逻辑学,也不能把它限制为客观现实的理论或者仅     

存在主义与美国哲学生活

存在主义在美国没有真正生根。它赢得了一些热情的门徒,但是它没有产生一个像海德格尔、萨特尔或马赛尔那样有权威的哲学家。有人认为存在主义已经说完它要说的一切了。无论如何,美国的贡献的重要性是值得怀疑的。但是,人们也曾多次尝试对这个运动作一次总的考察,并试图估计它的力量、它的弱点和它的价值。此     

波兰社会学二十年

长期以来,社会学在波兰就是一门最通俗的科学。近几年来,要求学习社会学的人数超过了社会学专业中的名额约近六倍,有些地方甚至约近十倍。五种社会学杂志都拥有广大的读者:《社会学论坛》(创刊于1930年,其间曾停过刊),《社会学研究》(创刊于1961年)、《政治社会学     

现代美国对辩证唯物主义的批判

本文原发表在美国《科学与社会》1965年春季号上。翻译时作了删节,并且略去了一部分注解。在本文中,作者(E.R.J.Primbs,美国俄勒冈州立大学)企图对美国近二十年来反对辩证唯物主义的情况作一些评述。作者认为:现代美国对辩证唯物主义的批判还不如欧洲国家,在国际上没有“崇高的声誉”;已有的这些批判著作和论文都是“非常肤浅的”,而且存在一种倾向——曲解辩证唯物主义,撇开它所产生的历史条件及其主张的意图,把它当作“固定的法则和规则”来批判,而忽视了近来辩证唯物主义的变化。例如,“苏联思想体系在这个时期有重要的变化”,但是胡克、梅约、攸拉姆等人仍然用过去的眼光看现代的辩证唯物主义,把辩证唯物主义的过去的主张强加给现代辩证唯物主义。作者提出了他的看法:一,无论是恩格斯的辩证法三个规律、列宁的辩证法十六个要素还是斯大林的辩证法四个特征,“都不是对辩证唯物主义的正确表述”,都不是“僵硬的、固定的法则和规则”;二、辩证唯物主义是卢卡奇、克劳斯和美国批评家们所说的“一种方法”,“有价值的实用工具”,“进步的、现实的态度和气质”或“后天习惯”;三、马克思和列宁都承认马克思主义普遍原理的局限性,现代“正统派马克思主义者”发展了这个思想;四、斯大林逝世以后,特别是“二十大”以后,“正统派马克思主义”者“经常地随历史事实的变化来修正理论”,例如关于矛盾问题,他们接受克劳斯和沙夫的看法,“抛弃恩格斯的陈腐的或错误的观点”,但是,美国的批评家却不如鲍亨斯基(瑞士)和威特尔(奥地利),看不到“最近几年来苏联学者在哲学讲述方面的引人注目的改进”。作者最后提出用“批判性的评价”和“理智的批判”代替上述美国流行的这种特殊倾向,认为“压制马克思主义也就是压制对它的理智的批判”。在本文中,作者同他所批判的那些人一样歪曲辩证唯物主义。他根据现代修正主义者的观点去曲解关于马克思主义理论不是教条而是行动指南的提法,关于马克思主义普遍真理同各国具体实践相结合的提法。普里姆同他所批判的那些人的不同点是,他特别注意苏联和东欧各国哲学界在近十多年来的变化,根据这种变化,他向人们推荐一种对什马克思主义哲学的新方法——按照卢卡奇、克劳斯、沙夫和苏联修正主义哲学家的观点来“评价”辩证唯物主义。     

Establishing operations

The first two books on behavior analysis (Skinner, 1938; Keller & Schoenfeld, 1950) had chapter-length coverage of motivation. The next generation of texts also had chapters on the topic, but by the late 1960s it was no longer being given much treatment in the behavior-analytic literature. The present failure to deal with the topic leaves a gap in our understanding of operant functional relations. A partial solution is to reintroduce the concept of the establishing operation, defined as an environmental event, operation, or stimulus condition that affects an organism by momentarily altering (a) the reinforcing effectiveness of other events and (b) the frequency of occurrence of that part of the organism's repertoire relevant to those events as consequences. Discriminative and motivative variables can be distinguished as follows: The former are related to the differential availability of an effective form of reinforcement given a particular type of behavior; the latter are related to the differential reinforcing effectiveness of environmental events. An important distinction can also be made between unconditioned establishing operations (UEOs), such as food deprivation and painful stimulation, and conditioned establishing operations (CEOs) that depend on the learning history of the organism. One type of CEO is a stimulus that has simply been paired with a UEO and as a result may take on some of the motivative properties of that UEO. The warning stimulus in avoidance procedures is another important type of CEO referred to as reflexive because it establishes its own termination as a form of reinforcement and evokes the behavior that has accomplished such termination. Another CEO is closely related to the concept of conditional conditioned reinforcement and is referred to as a transitive CEO, because it establishes some other stimulus as a form of effective reinforcement and evokes the behavior that has produced that other stimulus. The multiple control of human behavior is very common, and is often quite complex. An understanding of unlearned and learned establishing operations can contribute to our ability to identify and control the various components of such multiple determination.     

The effects of violence on infants and young children: international perspectives on prevention

People become subject to political and social violence when governments fail to give priority to basic health care or education. Attempts to meet foreign obligations also produce severe economic recessions which further impede efforts to improve the general quality of life of disadvantaged populations. Since multiple factors contribute to violence, a multidisciplinary approach is best suited to address the problem. For example, poverty and its associated risks are linked to violence, but living in poverty does not necessarily engender violence. Living in poverty may, however, fuel high rates of child mortality, illiteracy, malnutrition, excessive population growth, street children, and familial disintegration. An integrated action program was developed in Brazil for at-risk individuals and their families based upon the idea of building and reinforcing family ties and intergenerational togetherness. Undernourished infants, street children, the handicapped, women subjected to violence, and neglected senior citizens received special interventions in the program described in the text.