Longitudinal family and peer group effects on violence and nonviolent delinquency

Explored the longitudinal relations between family relationships and parenting characteristics, violence and nonviolent delinquency of peers, and individual delinquency and violence using data from a sample of 246 adolescent male participants in the Chicago Youth Development Study. Family and parenting characteristics were measured when participants averaged 12 years of age, peer group offending when participants averaged 14 years of age, and individual offending when participants averaged 17 years of age. Family characteristics and parenting were represented by an ordinal variable ranging from exceptional families characterized by emotional closeness, strong beliefs about family, and good parenting skills, to struggling families characterized by a lack of emotional cohesion, deviant beliefs, and poor parenting. Peers' violence but not nonviolent delinquency predicted individual violence and nonviolent delinquency, and family types predicted peer deviance as well as individual violence and delinquency. Effects varied somewhat due to gang membership and ethnicity.     

Differentiating explanations of attitude-consistent behavior: the role of perspectives and mode of perspective taking

We examined whether participants could differentiate between explanations of attitude-consistent behavior related to EU membership given from two perspectives (EU supporter and EU opponent) by means of three perspective taking modes (the explainer's own perspective, imagined in-group members' perspective, and imagined out-group members' perspective). Participants were presented with explanations provided from different perspectives and perspective taking modes, and they were asked to judge the extent to which they agreed with each explanation, to guess the attitude of the provider of each explanation, and to rate the quality of each explanation in various respects. Participants could not differentiate between explanations given by in-group members and out-group members who imagined the same perspective. They responded more favorably to explanations given from own perspective than from the imagined perspectives. The results suggest that there exists a shared understanding about how both sides should explain attitude-consistent behavior, but this understanding is measurably different from the actual explanations.     

Is inferential reasoning just probabilistic reasoning in disguise?

Oaksford, Chater, and Larkin (2000) have suggested that people actually use everyday probabilistic reasoning when making deductive inferences. In two studies, we explicitly compared probabilistic and deductive reasoning with identical if-then conditional premises with concrete content. In the first, adults were given causal premises with one strongly associated antecedent and were asked to make standard deductive inferences or to judge the probabilities of conclusions. In the second, reasoners were given scenarios presenting a causal relation with zero to three potential alternative antecedents. The participants responded to each set of problems under both deductive and probabilistic instructions. The results show that deductive and probabilistic inferences are not isomorphic. Probabilistic inferences can model deductive responses only using a limited, very high threshold model, which is equivalent to a simple retrieval model. These results provide a clearer understanding of the relations between probabilistic and deductive inferences and the limitations of trying to consider these two forms of inference as having a single underlying process.     

A Return Potential Measure of Setting Norms for Aggression

This study tested a classroom-level measure of norms based on J. Jackson's (1966) Return Potential Model. "Return potential" refers to the probability of approval of aggression in a given setting or group, and the return potential model allows quantification of different aspects of a setting's norms. Return potential measures were computed for unprovoked and provoked aggression. A pilot sample of 236 students in 11 classrooms and a main sample of 3,304 students in 158 classrooms completed this measure and a self-report measure of aggression. Results from hierarchical linear models showed that all measures of classroom return potential for aggression were significantly clustered by classrooms. Four return potential measures had main effects on aggression, and four measures showed variation in effects by grade or urban residence. Differences in clustering and effects by grade suggested age differences in the importance of different normative characteristics.     

Reliability and validity of scores on the Slosson Visual Perceptual Skill Screener

Psychometric characteristics of the Slosson Visual Perceptual Skill Screener were studied using three independent samples of 595 boys and 578 girls ages 5 to 10 years. Adequate characteristics for item selection were indicated by item difficulty (Mdn=.49) and item discrimination (Mdn=.59). Interitem consistency of .93 (n1 = 1,045) was recorded for the total scale, while 30-day test-retest reliability was .80 (n2=55). Convergent validity was estimated using the Bender Visual-Motor Gestalt test (Koppitz developmental scoring system; r = .43, n3=47), the Developmental Test of Visuo-motor Integration, Visual Perception subtest (r =.62, n3 =73), and the Test of Visual Perceptual Skills-Revised-Nonmotor Total Score (r = .63, n2 =59).     

Direct social contacts override auditory information in the song-learning process in starlings (Sturnus vulgaris)

Social influence on song acquisition was studied in 3 groups of young European starlings raised under different social conditions but with the same auditory experience of adult song. Attentional focusing on preferred partners appears the most likely explanation for differences found in song acquisition in relation to experience, sex, and song categories. Thus, pair-isolated birds learned from each other and not from broadcast live songs, females did not learn from the adult male tutors, and sharing occurred more between socially associated peers. On the contrary, single-isolated birds clearly copied the adult songs that may have been the only source of attention stimulation. Therefore, social preference appears as both a motor for song learning and a potential obstacle for acquisition from nonpreferred partners, including adults.     

Part-set cuing effects in younger and older adults

In 3 experiments, the authors examined part-set cuing effects in younger and older adults. Participants heard lists of category exemplars and later recalled them. Recall was uncued or cued with a subset of studied items. In Experiment 1, participants were cued with some of the category names, and they remembered fewer never-cued categories than a free-recall condition. In Experiment 2, a similar effect was observed for category exemplar cues. There was also an age difference: By some measures, a small number of cues impaired older adults more than younger. Experiment 3 replicated this result and found that older adults were disproportionately slow in the presence of cues. Across experiments, older adults showed robust part-set cuing effects, and sometimes, they were disproportionately impaired by cues.     

Age differences in veridical and false recall are not inevitable: The role of frontal lobe function

The relationship of neuropsychological measures of frontal lobe function to age differences in false recall was assessed using the Deese/Roediger-McDermott associative false memory paradigm (Deese, 1959; Roediger & McDermott, 1995). As other studies have found, older adults were less likely to correctly recall studied items and more likely to falsely recall highly related but nonpresented items than were younger adults. When older adults were divided based on a composite measure of frontal lobe functioning, this age difference was found only for low frontal lobe functioning individuals. High frontal lobe functioning older adults and young adults had equivalent levels of false recall, as well as equivalent levels of veridical recall. These results suggest that age differences in memory may be due to declines in frontal lobe function. More important, our findings indicate that declines in veridical recall and increases in false recall are not an inevitable consequence of aging.