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Stephanie M. Woo Kimberly A. Hepner Elizabeth A. Gilbert Karen Chan Osilla Sarah B. Hunter Ricardo F. Muñoz Katherine E. Watkins 《Cognitive and behavioral practice》2013,20(2):232-244
One barrier to widespread public access to empirically supported treatments (ESTs) is the limited availability and high cost of professionals trained to deliver them. Our earlier work from 2 clinical trials demonstrated that front-line addiction counselors could be trained to deliver a manualized, group-based cognitive behavioral therapy (GCBT) for depression, a prototypic example of an EST, with a high level of adherence and competence. This follow-up article provides specific recommendations for the selection and initial training of counselors, and for the structure and process of their ongoing clinical supervision. We highlight unique challenges in working with counselors unaccustomed to traditional clinical supervision. The recommendations are based on comprehensive feedback derived from clinician notes taken throughout the clinical trials, a focus group with counselors conducted 1 year following implementation, and interviews with key organization executives and administrators. 相似文献
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The amygdala but not the hippocampus is involved in pattern separation based on reward value 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
A total of 32 male Long-Evans rats were tested on a modified version of Flaherty, Turovsky, and Krauss's (1994) anticipatory contrast paradigm to assess pattern separation for reward value. Prior to testing, each rat received either a control, a hippocampal, or an amygdala lesion. In the home cage, each rat was allowed to drink a water solution containing 2% sucrose for 3 min followed by a water solution containing 32% sucrose for 3 min. Across 10 days of testing, the rats in each lesion group showed significantly increased anticipatory discriminability as a function of days. To assess the operation of a pattern separation mechanism, each rat was then tested using the same procedure except the 2% solution was followed by a 16% solution for 10 days and then by an 8% solution for 10 days. Control and hippocampal-lesioned rats continued to show high discriminability when the 2% solution was followed by a 16% solution; however, the amygdala-lesioned rats showed low anticipatory discriminability. On trials where the 2% sucrose solution was followed by an 8% sucrose solution, all groups showed low discriminability scores, suggesting that when two reward values are very similar even control animals are not able to separate the reward values in memory. However, the results of a preference task revealed that all groups can perceptually discriminate between a 2% and an 8% sucrose solution. The data suggest that the amygdala but not the hippocampus is involved in the separation of patterns based on reward value. 相似文献
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Michael A. Gilbert 《Argumentation》2002,16(1):21-32
Words, just because they are words, are not inherently clear. The message they contain becomes clear to those who speak the language and are familiar with the issues and contexts. If the message lacks linguistic clarity the recipient of the message will typically make a query that will bring forth further information intended to clarify. The result might be more words, but it might also involve pointing or drawing, or words that utilize other modes such as references to context, history, and so on. If the ambiguity derives from an inconsistency between, say, words and behaviour, one may look to either mode for clarity. Communication, we must accept, actually occurs in messages, and our ability to transmit information may be limited by any number of factors. When we focus entirely on discursive aspects of communication we limit both the ways in which we receive and ways in which we transmit information. The logocentric fallacy is committed when language, especially in it's most logical guise, is seen to be the only form of rational communication. 相似文献
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Margaret Gilbert 《The Journal of Ethics》2002,6(2):115-143
Can collectives feel guilt with respect to what they have done? It hasbeen claimed that they cannot. Yet in everyday discourse collectives areoften held to feel guilt, criticized because they do not, and so on.Among other things, this paper considers what such so-called collectiveguilt feelings amount to. If collective guilt feelings are sometimesappropriate, it must be the case that collectives can indeed beguilty. The paper begins with an account of what it is for a collectiveto intend to do something and to act in light of that intention.According to this account, and in senses that are explained, there is acollective that intends to do something if and only if the members of agiven population are jointly committed to intend as a body to do thatthing. A related account of collective belief is also presented. It isthen argued that, depending on the circumstances, a group's action canbe free as opposed to coerced, and that the idea that a collective assuch can be guilty of performing a wrongful act makes sense. The ideathat a group might feel guilt may be rejected because it is assumed thatto feel guilt is to experience a ``pang'' or ``twinge'' of guilt –nothing more and nothing less. Presumably, though, there must becognitions and perhaps behavior involved. In addition, the primacy, eventhe necessity, of ``feeling-sensations'' to feeling guilt in theindividual case has been questioned. Without the presumption that it isalready clear what feeling guilt amounts to, three proposals as to thenature of collective guilt feelings are considered. A ``feeling ofpersonal guilt'' is defined as a feeling of guilt over one's own action.It is argued that it is implausible to construe collective guiltfeelings in terms of members' feelings of personal guilt. ``Membershipguilt feelings'' involve a group member's feeling of guilt over what hisor her group has done. It is argued that such feelings are intelligibleif the member is party to the joint commitment that lies at the base ofthe relevant collective intention and action. However, an account ofcollective guilt in terms of membership guilt feelings is found wanting.Finally, a ``plural subject'' account of collective guilt feelings isarticulated, such that they involve a joint commitment to feel guilt asa body. The parties to a joint commitment of the kind in question may asa result find themselves experiencing ``pangs'' of the kind associatedwith personal and membership guilt feelings. Since these pangs, byhypothesis, arise as a result of the joint commitment to feel guilt as abody, they might be thought of as providing a kind of phenomenology forcollective guilt. Be that as it may, it is argued the plural subjectaccount has much to be said for it. 相似文献
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R. M. Gilbert 《Journal of the experimental analysis of behavior》1971,15(1):97-108
Four rats were trained to lever press under a discriminated avoidance/escape schedule in which separately signalled safe and warning periods were 100 sec and 32 sec respectively. The auditory and not the visual component of the compound warning signal became associated with the discriminative control of lever pressing. Avoidance behavior also came under temporal control, in that the probability of lever pressing increased as the warning period progressed. Timing began with the onset of the warning signal rather than the offset of the safe signal. However, after the warning signal had been progressively eliminated, timing began with the offset of the safe signal. When neither signal was normally available, the temporal distribution of avoidance behavior changed markedly. Drifts in the temporal distribution of lever pressing occurred throughout the study; these were manipulated for two animals. 相似文献