Perceptions of stranger and acquaintance rape: the role of benevolent and hostile sexism in victim blame and rape proclivity

In Studies 1 and 2, after reading an acquaintance-rape but not a stranger-rape scenario, higher benevolent sexist but not hostile sexist participants blamed the victim significantly more. In Study 2, higher hostile sexist but not benevolent sexist male participants showed significantly greater proclivity to commit acquaintance (but not stranger) rape. Studies 3 and 4 supported the hypothesis that the effects of benevolent sexism and hostile sexism are mediated by different perceptions of the victim, as behaving inappropriately and as really wanting sex with the rapist. These findings show that benevolent sexism and hostile sexism underpin different assumptions about women that generate sexist reactions toward rape victims.     

Intuitions about sample size: the empirical law of large numbers

According to Jacob Bernoulli, even the ‘stupidest man’ knows that the larger one's sample of observations, the more confidence one can have in being close to the truth about the phenomenon observed. Two-and-a-half centuries later, psychologists empirically tested people's intuitions about sample size. One group of such studies found participants attentive to sample size; another found participants ignoring it. We suggest an explanation for a substantial part of these inconsistent findings. We propose the hypothesis that human intuition conforms to the ‘empirical law of large numbers’ and distinguish between two kinds of tasks–one that can be solved by this intuition (frequency distributions) and one for which it is not sufficient (sampling distributions). A review of the literature reveals that this distinction can explain a substantial part of the apparently inconsistent results. © 1997 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Psychological characteristics of elderly insomniacs

Sixty insomniacs, aged 60 years or over, fulfilling the DSM-IV criteria for primary insomnia, completed a set of questionnaires measuring psychological distress. These included the Sleep Impairment Index (SIM), the Symptom Check List 90-Revised (SCL-90-R), the Penn State Worry Questionnaire (PSWQ), the Toronto Alexithymia Scale-20 (TAS-20) and the Elders Life Stress Inventory (ELSI). The insomniacs were compared on these measures with two contrast groups, one of elderly good sleepers and one an elderly community sample. As norms were developed for the SCL-90-R and PSWQ, insomniacs were also contrasted with the norm groups on these measures. In general, the results indicated a higher level of psychological distress among insomniacs than among the good sleepers, while there were negligible differences between insomniacs and the community sample on most measures. Overall, elderly insomniacs scored higher on measures of worry compared with the other groups, followed by measures of somatization, obsessive-compulsion and depression. It is concluded that excessive worrying was the most characteristic feature of elderly insomniacs.     

Gemeinsame Entwicklung,unterschiedliche Inzidenz

Background

In order to understand the increasing numbers of detentions of forensic inpatients according to § 63 StGB (German Penal Code), the development of the sentences for forensic treatment is of great importance. The overall development over a longer time period, such as a breakdown by individual federal states may reflect changes in diagnostic and legal actions.

Method

According to the information supplied by the research data center of Germany (Forschungsdatenzentrum der Länder), the total number of detentions for forensic treatment from 1995 to 2009 for an average population number of 68.6 million inhabitants and the development of different characteristics (e.g. sociodemographic, crime-related) were identified during the investigation period. A total of12,063 records each with 9 attributes were evaluated.

Results

The number of detentions for forensic treatment increased by approximately half (47?%) during the study period. The patients who were not criminally responsible and the proportion of moderately severe offences (e.g. assault, arson and other violent crimes) increased over the investigation period. In contrast, the proportion of completed homicides and sexual crimes decreased as well as the number of previous and concurrent convictions. These developments showed similar tendencies in the individual federal states.     

The generalization of shared reality: When communication about one target shapes evaluations of other targets

Communicators often tune their message about a target to the audience's attitude toward that target. This tuning can shape a communicator's own evaluation of the target, which reflects the creation of a shared reality with the audience. So far, evidence for shared‐reality creation has been confined to one specific target. In two experiments, we examined whether and when a shared reality would generalize to other targets. In Experiment 1, shared‐reality creation about an ambiguous sexist target generalized to the evaluation of a new ambiguous sexist target for which no audience attitude was provided. However, this happened only when there was high (vs. low) commonality with the audience regarding previous judgments. In Experiment 2, we investigated conditions for the temporal persistence of generalization. One week after message tuning to a high‐commonality audience, a shared reality generalized to a new ambiguous sexist target when participants recalled the shared‐reality creation about the initial target, but it did not generalize in conditions without such recall. Also, no generalization occurred for non‐ambiguous or non‐sexist targets. Results suggest that shared reality generalization depends on perceived commonality with the audience, recollection of shared reality at time of judgment, and similarity between new and initial targets.