Parent Prediction of Autism Spectrum Disorder in Infants at Risk: A Follow-up Study

Later-born siblings of children with autism spectrum disorder are considered at biological risk for autism spectrum disorder and the broader phenotype. Early screening may detect first signs of autism spectrum disorder and expedite diagnosis and early intervention. In this follow-up study, we re-examine a validated second-degree autism spectrum disorder screener for children at biological risk of autism spectrum disorder, the parent observation of early markers scale. Using available follow-up information up to age 13 years, 110 children (the original 108 infants plus 2 infants recruited after the completion of the original study) were divided into three groups: diagnosed group (n?=?13), lost diagnosis group (n?=?5), and undiagnosed group (n?=?92). The parent observation of early markers scale continued to show acceptable predictive validity. The parent observation of early markers scale total scores and mean number of elevated items were significantly higher in the diagnosed group than the undiagnosed group. The lost-diagnosis group did not differ from the undiagnosed group on parent observation of early markers scale total scores and elevated items at any age, but the lost-diagnosis group had significantly lower total scores, and number of elevated items than the diagnosed group starting at 18 months. Both autism spectrum disorder core and subsidiary behaviors differentiated the diagnosed and undiagnosed groups from 9 to 36 months of age. We hereby provide further evidence that the parent observation of early markers scale may serve as a low-cost early screener for autism spectrum disorder in at-risk children and pinpoint specific developmental ,and behavioral problems that may be amenable to very early intervention.     

The transition from expectancy to parenthood: Impact of the firstborn child on men and women

In this short-term longitudinal study, 31 middle-class primigravidae and their husbands were seen once during the last trimester of pregnancy and again when their infants were 6 months old. At both times, a common core of self-assessment instruments was administered: mood scales, social change ratings, anticipation/experience of parenthood, and a modified Bem satisfaction scale. Some additional items were given at parenthood. For both men and women, expectancy was marked by optimism and contentment, despite some emotional and physical strain. Similarly, as parents of an infant, subjects rated the experience as highly positive. However, the transition to parenthood involved major role upheaval with both more positive and more negative changes reported by women than men. Despite these changes, women displayed considerable stability in mood and self-satisfaction over time and situation. In contrast, measures of the anticipation and self-reported experience of parenthood revealed no consistency for women; the types of mothers they turned out to be were unrelated to their expectations. Men successfully predicted their parenting behavior on more than half of the dimensions measured. The results were discussed in terms of the stresses inherent in role changes encountered during transitions from one stage of life to the next.This research was supported by funds from the Boystown Center for the Study of Youth Development at Stanford University. Special thanks to Barbara Aschenbrenner for her assistance in all phases of the research.     

Authors’ response: what are emotions and how are they created in the brain?

In our response, we clarify important theoretical differences between basic emotion and psychological construction approaches. We evaluate the empirical status of the basic emotion approach, addressing whether it requires brain localization, whether localization can be observed with better analytic tools, and whether evidence for basic emotions exists in other types of measures. We then revisit the issue of whether the key hypotheses of psychological construction are supported by our meta-analytic findings. We close by elaborating on commentator suggestions for future research.     

Emotion words shape emotion percepts

People believe they see emotion written on the faces of other people. In an instant, simple facial actions are transformed into information about another's emotional state. The present research examined whether a perceiver unknowingly contributes to emotion perception with emotion word knowledge. We present 2 studies that together support a role for emotion concepts in the formation of visual percepts of emotion. As predicted, we found that perceptual priming of emotional faces (e.g., a scowling face) was disrupted when the accessibility of a relevant emotion word (e.g., anger) was temporarily reduced, demonstrating that the exact same face was encoded differently when a word was accessible versus when it was not. The implications of these findings for a linguistically relative view of emotion perception are discussed.     

A case of developmental exposure to inorganic mercury

This case report describes behavioral and neuropsychological function in a young man who experienced chronic exposure to elemental mercury at home from age 4 through 9 years. Data are presented on school history, behavior, and performance on standardized tests during the developmental period, and from a full neuropsychological evaluation at age 19 years, several years after environmental exposure had ended. These data specify the course of a decline in function as development proceeds. The patient's progress appeared normal in the preschool period but pronounced academic difficulties and persistent emotional irritability emerged during the elementary school years. At age 19 years, neuropsychological testing revealed diminished executive function, difficulties with language, problems with visuospatial orientation, deficiencies in tine motor control, and manual tremor. Tension, irritability, and depressive affect were evident as well as marked problems with academic performance. These findings suggest widespread cerebral dysfunction, both cortical and subcortical, and are consistent with the diffuse pattern of brain damage seen in children with exposure to heavy metals.     

Which Scientificity for the social Sciences?

Since their emergence in the nineteenth century, the epistemology of social sciences has oscillated from aiming at the classical model of scientificity to emphasizing its own specificities. We argue here that the existence of unambiguous, well defined objects has allowed discoveries and cumulativity in the natural sciences. Whereas, in the social sciences, the term is most often used in a metaphorical meaning, as it represents a basically fluid and changing reality. Its apprehension partly depends on the emotional/intellectual identity of the researcher, which makes it difficult to achieve a full consensus. Yet, beside real, natural or created objects, we do find structures, regularities and objectivations in society.     

Discrete Emotions or Dimensions? The Role of Valence Focus and Arousal Focus

The present study provides evidence that valence focus and arousal focus are important processes in determining whether a dimensional or a discrete emotion model best captures how people label their affective states. Individuals high in valence focus and low in arousal focus fit a dimensional model better in that they reported more co-occurrences among like-valenced affective states, whereas those lower in valence focus and higher in arousal focus fit a discrete model better in that they reported fewer co-occurrences between like-valenced affective states. Taken together, these findings suggest that one static, nomothetic theory may not accurately describe the subjective affective experience of all individuals.     

Four frames for the study of creativity

Abstract

In Jean Genet's play The Balcony, the plot revolves around role reversal. Characters who were on the peripherii of society, the pimps, whores, and thieves, all of a sudden find it necessary to assume roles as pillars of society. The basic point of the play is that roles are powerful determinants of behavior, and whoever occupies the role of, say, Chief Judge of the Supreme Court, will behave more or less as anyone else would behave in the same role. People who have watched from the balcony change their behavior when asked to move to center stage.