Tactile short-term memory

Subjects tried to recall the location of a tactile stimulus on the underside of the forearm after delays of 0, 3, 5, 10, 15, 30, 45 and 60 sec. When “rehearsal” was prevented by requiring subjects to count backwards during the delay, accuracy of recall decreased systematically reaching an asymptote after 45 sec. When subjects were left free to “rehearse,” this did not affect the decline in accuracy over the first 10 sec. Between 10 and 15 sec. there was a significant increase in accuracy followed by a slow decline which had not reached asymptote by 60 sec. It is suggested that tactile STM (short-term memory) depends on two processes, a fading sensory trace which is unaffected by distraction and a less labile system which does not appear to be verbal but which depends on “rehearsal.”     

Adolescents: A Suppressed Minority Group

The recent antagonistic but equally meritorious arguments concerning the nature of the adolescent necessitates a new framework of analysis which would incorporate these apparent antagonisms. Cursory observations indicate that more fruitful results may be obtained if the adolescent is equated to a member of a suppressed minority group. A comparison of the characteristics of the adolescent peer group to those of a suppressed minority group reveals some striking similarities.     

A model for detection and recognition with signal uncertainty

A model for signal detectability suggested by Luce is extended to situations in which the observer is uncertain of some important characteristic of the signal, such as frequency. By making a single assumption concerning the observer's covert response behavior, two solutions are obtained corresponding to qualitatively different behavior. Decrements in detectability and in recognition with uncertainty are shown to be particular functions of discriminability and detectability of the stimuli in other situations. Relevant experimental data are considered.This work was supported by grant NSF-G5544 from the National Science Foundation. The author is indebted to R. Duncan Luce for critical discussion of the content and helpful suggestions concerning the form of this paper. Useful comments have been made by David M. Green, Francis W. Irwin, Roger M. Shepard, and W. P. Tanner, Jr.     

Gods and REMS: The implications of recent dream research for the psychology of religion

Throughout history dreams have been primarily the province of religion. People in many cultures have looked to dreams as sources of spiritual insight and divine revelation. The relationship between traditional religious views of dreams and modern psychological views of dreams has long interested psychologists of religion—for dreams are a uniquely fertile subject for comparing religious and psychological understandings of human experience. In recent years there have been many revolutionary discoveries in dream research, discoveries that have taken us far beyond the seminal works of Freud, Jung, and the early sleep laboratory researchers. This essay describes the work of three leading contemporary dream researchers (neurophysiologist J. Allan Hobson, psychologist Stephen LaBerge, and anthropologist Barbara Tedlock) and evaluates the implications of their findings for our understanding of the religious dimensions of dreams. The essay concludes with some reflections on the valuable role of dream study in the psychology of religion. The primary claim is that recent dream research can make important contributions to current psychology of religion discussions about such issues as interdisciplinary inquiry, hermeneutics, the cross-cultural study of religious experience, the cultural and religious context of modern psychology, and the practical concerns of pastoral counselors.This essay is based on a paper presented on November 25 at the 1991 Annual Meeting of the American Academy of Religion, Kansas City, Missouri.     

The prediction of adjustment at age 7 from activity level at age 5

One-hundred and ninety-two children (equally split between boys and girls) were studied when they were 5 years old in two settings, school and home. The children were observed in playgroups and at home, and were rated on activity level by their parents on the Rothbart Child Behavior Questionnaire. At age 7, the children were tested in our laboratory on the Harter Test of Perceived Competence and on an achievement task, and parents filled out the Child Behavior Checklist, the Child Behavior Questionnaire, and the Conners Parent Rating Scale. Home observations of activity level were significantly related to parent ratings of activity level, but not to school observations. Activity level at age 5 was related to parents' ratings of aggression and hyperactivity and to girls' learning problems at age 7. Activity level was not related to the children's self-perceived competence, but mothers' rating of high activity level at age 5 was related to low reading comprehension at age 7.Preparation of this paper was supported in part by the Center for Research for Mothers and Children, NICHD, U.S. PHS grant HD 19739 to Beverly I. Fagot.     

Changing contexts and the field of community psychology

Conclusion The legacy of the Swampscott conference 25 years ago is palpable. The scientific accomplishments have been substantial. The four agendas I have presented for the future development of the field depend upon psychologists as individuals and psychologists as participants in our departments, colleges, universities, professional societies, and peer review panels to reduce the constraints that limit the definition and study of psychological phenomena in community settings (Schneider, 1990). As these constraints are addressed, new social norms can be established to expand and diversify the research process. There are some explicit positive side effects that can occur. A new working social structure can be created for how universities and communities can be resources for each other.The four topics I have presented are agendas for keeping at the task of generating active and expanding scientific traditions. These topics when addressed in the context of collaboration with other disciplines and citizens can develop an empirical base of shared wisdom about how to carry out community psychology research. In these ways the benefits of community psychology research can become more empowering for the public and more and more systemic for the scholar.These comments were presented as an Invited Address at the 2nd annual meeting of the American Psychological Society, June 8, 1990, Dallas, Texas.The following persons took time to read and comment on earlier drafts of these comments. I have benefited very much from their appraisals. Eileen Altman, Daniel Cervone, Seeley Chandler-Kelly, Nancy Dassoff, Penny Foster-Fishman, Steve Goldston, Peter Graves, Kenneth Heller, Robert E. Hess, David Henry, Ira Iscoe, Chris Keys, Benjamin Kleinmuntz, Ed Lichtenstein, Philip Mann, Kyoung Oh, Julian Rappaport, Dan Romer, Lonnie R. Snowden, Joseph P. Stokes, Edison J. Trickett, Abe Wandersman, and Marc Alan Zimmerman.