Indirect modes of aggression among women of Buenos Aires,Argentina

This study utilizes the construct indirect aggression to investigate aggressive behavior among middle class Argentine women and men by administering an attitude and self-report survey to 95 inhabitants of Buenos Aires and by analyzing ethnographic interviews and observations conducted over a nine month period in 1992. An examination of sex roles in Argentina, including machismo and marianismo, provide a cultural context for interpreting aggression. Factor analyses revealed the presence of indirect aggression (e.g., social manipulation, gossip, exclusion) in addition to verbal and physical aggression. Survey and ethnographic findings converge in suggesting that women employ more indirect aggression than men, while men utilize more physical aggression. While competition and aggression are salient elements of social life for both sexes, women and men tend to favor different approaches. The findings are compared with the literature on female aggression from other cultural settings. We conclude that cultural and evolutionary perspectives elucidate aspects of female aggression.We would like to thank the Ford Foundation for providing the financial support to make this research possible. We would also like to thank Patricia de Gyldenfeldt and Debbie Bandura for their endless contributions with translations, ideas, and help in general. Finally, we would like to thank Eckerd College, la Universidad del Salvador, and Michael Hobson for their base of support, all those in Argentina, especially Agueda, Andrea, Carmen, Cecilia, Claudio, Daniela, Heidi, Ingrid, Javier, Julio, María, Mariela, Roberto, and Victor, who offered their enthusiastic assistance and ideas, and Victoria Burbank, Ayala Gabriel, and the anonymous reviewer for their helpful suggestions.     

The Role of Asymmetrical Coding of Duration Samples in Producing the Choose-Short Effect in Pigeons

Pigeons were trained on two independent matching-to-duration-samples tasks; one involved 2- and 10-s durations and color choice stimuli, and the other involved 4.5- and 22.5-s durations and line choice stimuli. Accuracy was above chance on mixed-choice probes in which either of the short-duration samples was followed by the two short-associated stimuli. Following explicit training on mixed-choice trials involving choice between the two short- and the two long-associated stimuli, a choose-short effect was demonstrated with both sets of duration samples. These findings are inconsistent with the possibility that the choose-short effect reflects processes of asymmetrical-sample coding and default responding.     

Begging the question as a pragmatic fallacy

The aim of this paper is to make it clear how and why begging the question should be seen as a pragmatic fallacy which can only be properly evaluated in a context of dialogue. Included in the paper is a review of the contemporary literature on begging the question that shows the gradual emergence over the past twenty years or so of the dialectical conception of this fallacy. A second aim of the paper is to investigate a number of general problems raised by the pragmatic framework.The work in this paper was supported by a Fellowship from the Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study in the Humanities and Social Sciences (NIAS) and a Research Grant from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Thanks are due to Erik Krabbe for discussions, and to the members of the NIAS Research Group on Fallacies as Violations of Rules of Argumentative Discourse: Frans van Eemeren, Rob Grootendorst, Sally Jackson, Scott Jacobs, Agnes Haft van Rees, Agnes Verbiest, Charles Willard, and John Woods.     

Cooperative learning revisited

The endeavor to teach academic skills known as cooperative learningis of interest to behavioral educators due to its record of effectiveness, its use of behavioral procedures, and its relatively widespread adoption by regular educators. All forms of cooperative learning emphasize operations that encourage students to work together to achieve commonly held goals rather than competing with or ignoring the efforts of others. Despite the apparent soundness of the approach, the present commentary raises several issues. First, it states that some cooperative learning proponents fail to describe the behavioral processes underlying the approach. Second, it is pointed out that it is unclear whether cooperative learning is an independent or dependent variable. Given that cooperative learning applies group contingencies to academic behavior, the question is raised as to whether group contingencies do, in fact, produce desirable social interactions, and whether group contingencies are appropriate for academic behaviors. A concern is also raised as to whether the spontaneous peer tutoring generated by cooperative learning compares favorably with planned peer tutoring. Finally, it is claimed that the minor variations from academic group contingencies that cooperative learning proponents have introduced do not require identifying a new process.     

A systems analysis of the behaviors of schooling

Summary and conclusions Thus, the existing nonsystematic system, and the various vested interests associated with it, targets groups of students rather than individuals. Prior to the advent of a science of schooling, the tutorial approach associated with the privileged or ruling classes did not seem feasible for educating the masses, simply because there was no adequate science of behavior for the individual. Even after that science showed promise for pedagogy, there was still no systems-wide science for applying what was known to groups and organizations in which the individual was pivotal. In order to determine whether behavioral conceptions of schooling work on a larger scale, we must experimentally test whether or not thoroughgoing applications are feasible to educate the masses individually. Findings from 8this research can be used to design and modify systems of schooling that are measurably effective, workable year in and year out, automatically self-correcting, and beneficial to all of the parties involved. CABAS has demonstrated how such a system can work on a small scale; other attempts may show us how to make a large scale system work. We have not yet seen what man can make of man (Skinner, 1971, p. 215).     

SEQUENTIAL APPLICATION OF MAJOR HABIT-REVERSAL COMPONENTS TO TREAT MOTOR TICS IN CHILDREN

In this study, we sequentially administered up to four components of the habit-reversal treatment to 4 children with motor tics within a multiple baseline design. The habit-reversal components included (a) awareness training; (b) awareness training and self-monitoring; (c) awareness training, self-monitoring, and social support; and (d) awareness training, social support, and the use of a competing response. Results demonstrated that the combined use of awareness training, social support, and competing response training was effective in eliminating motor tics in 2 of 4 children, that awareness training alone was effective for 1 child, and that a combination of awareness training and self-monitoring was effective for the 4th child. The treatment and ensuing improvement were found to be socially valid. We discuss possible explanations for these results and recommend directions for future research.     

Cultural specificity of support sources,correlates and contexts: Three studies of African-American and Caucasian youth

Levels and correlates of parental support, peer support, partner support, and/or spiritual support among African American and Caucasian youth were examined in three contexts: adolescent pregnancy (Study 1), first year of college (Study 2), and adolescence and young adulthood (ages 15–29; Study 3). Partially consistent with a cultural specificity perspective, in different contexts different support sources were higher in level and/or more strongly related to adjustment for one ethnic group than the other. Among pregnant adolescents, levels of spiritual support were higher for African Americans than Caucasians; additionally, peer support was positively related to well-being only for African Americans whereas partner support was positively related to well-being only for Caucasians. Among college freshmen, family support was more strongly related to institutional and goal commitment for African Americans than Caucasians; conversely, peer support was more strongly related to institutional and goal commitment among Caucasians. Among 15 to 29-year-olds, levels of parental support and spiritual support were higher among African Americans than Caucasians; additionally, spiritual support was positively related to self-esteem for African Americans but not for Caucasians. Implications and limitations of the research are discussed. The third study was supported by National Institute of Mental Health Grant RO1 MH40963. We thank Monica Greene, Shea Lyda, Wendy Stevenson, and the many undergraduate students who contributed to the three research projects. We also acknowledge the very thoughtful and helpful comments of the anonymous reviewers and the editor, Edison Trickett.