Genetic Counseling Practices in Germany: A Comparison Between East German and West German Geneticists

As part of an international study of ethics and genetics, we present a comparison between survey responses of 43 East German and 212 West German geneticists to anonymous questionnaires. Both groups indicated that the experience of the Third Reich has impacted the genetics profession in Germany today. East German geneticists reported more directive counseling practices after prenatal diagnosis for 10 of 26 conditions than those from West Germany. When asked to give their personal opinions about pregnancy termination, East Germans were more accepting of abortion than their West German colleagues for 7 of 24 fetal indications. In addition, there were significant differences between the two sample groups for 8 questions on the perception of disability and society. Discussions with German geneticists suggest that, while both groups were affected by Germany's experience of Nazism, different abortion laws, political systems, and ideas about the doctor-patient relationship in former East and West Germany may account for discrepancies in reported genetic counseling practices and in attitudes toward abortion and disability.     

Selective information processing and schematic content related to eating behavior

An adaptation of the Stroop color-naming task was used to investigate selective information processing related to eating behavior in 90 undergraduate women. This study differed from previous studies by (a) treating eating behavior as a continuous variable and (b) looking at five separate categories of words including color, neutral, food, body shape, and other emotionally salient words. We did not find a strong pattern of relation between the Stroop task and eating and body image measures. Results suggest that in a nonclinical population, direct methods of accessing cognitions related to eating may be more fruitful than indirect measures.     

Associations between the school-related beliefs of Mexican-American and Anglo-American mothers and children

Mexican-American and Anglo-American mothers' beliefs about their children's school related competence in the areas of academics and behavioral conduct, as well as their beliefs about their own academic competence, were assessed at the beginning of the children's kindergarten year. Mother-child dyads discussed the children's typical school experiences on four occasions during the school year, and children's beliefs were assessed at the end of the year. Pearson correlation coefficients indicated that strong associations between Anglo-American mothers' and children's beliefs existed, and partial correlation coefficients indicated that mother-child discourse contributed to many of these relations. Direct associations between mothers' and children's beliefs were not found for Mexican-American dyads, although mother-child discourse was linked to beliefs. The results suggest that dyads' conversations may serve as a means of transmitting beliefs about school-related competence, and that the this transmission may be more bidirectional in Mexican-American dyads.     

Countertransference in group psychotherapy

This paper attempts to up-date our understanding of countertransference in the therapy group setting. After a brief review of some of the psychoanalytic and the group psychotherapy literature dealing with countertransference, the paper points out the vulnerability of the group therapist and presents examples of possible countertransferential situations, such as stereotyped roles, reactions to external aspects of patients, and therapists' insecurities. It concludes by suggesting ways in which group therapists can become more sensitive to their countertransferences.     

More on EM for ML factor analysis

We address several issues that are raised by Bentler and Tanaka's [1983] discussion of Rubin and Thayer [1982]. Our conclusions are: standard methods do not completely monitor the possible existence of multiple local maxima; summarizing inferential precision by the standard output based on second derivatives of the log likelihood at a maximum can be inappropriate, even if there exists a unique local maximum; EM and LISREL can be viewed as complementary, albeit not entirely adequate, tools for factor analysis.This work was partially supported by the Program Statistics Research Project at Educational Testing Service.     

GENERALIZATION OF VERBAL CONDITIONING TO VERBAL AND NONVERBAL BEHAVIOR: GROUP THERAPY WITH CHRONIC PSYCHIATRIC PATIENTS1

Twelve chronic hospitalized female patients received token reinforcement contingent on two separate classes of verbalizations: (a) positive statements about optional activities available in the hospital setting, and (b) positive statements about people. Cross-class generalization of reinforced verbal responses about activities to overt behavior was tested by actual participation in activities; within-class generalization of verbal responses about people to verbalizations in another stimulus setting was assessed in a structured interview situation. A multiple baseline design with contingency reversals was employed to demonstrate experimental control of both classes of verbalizations in the group sessions. Positive statements about activities generalized to actual participation in activities, while generalization of positive statements about people to verbalization in the extra-group setting did not occur.     

Age related changes in the effectiveness of name and visual codes in recognition memory

In the first of three studies college, third grade, and kindergarten Ss were able to determine that two stimuli presented 700 msec apart were the same more quickly if they were visually identical than if they shared the same name. If 3000 msec elapsed between stimulus presentations third grade and college Ss responded at the same rate in making both types of matches, whereas kindergarten Ss appeared to continue to respond more quickly in making visual matches. Study II was an unsuccessful attempt to replicate the kindergarten finding. A warning signal, presented 500 msec prior to the second stimulus, reduced RTs at both interstimulus intervals, but no significant differences in making visual and name matches occurred. In Study III first-graders, responding either with or without a warning signal, were found to respond like the older Ss in Study I. The warning signal again reduced RT at both intervals. The results suggest that Ss across a wide age range are able to use the visual properties of a stimulus for only a very brief period as the basis for making matching judgments.     

Propositional quantifiers

Summary In discussing propositional quantifiers we have considered two kinds of variables: variables occupying the argument places of connectives, and variables occupying the argument places of predicates.We began with languages which contained the first kind of variable, i.e., variables taking sentences as substituends. Our first point was that there appear to be no sentences in English that serve as adequate readings of formulas containing propositional quantifiers. Then we showed how a certain natural and illuminating extension of English by prosentences did provide perspicuous readings. The point of introducing prosentences was to provide a way of making clear the grammar of propositional variables: propositional variables have a prosentential character — not a pronominal character. Given this information we were able to show, on the assumption that the grammar of propositional variables in philosopher's English should be determined by their grammar in formal languages (unless a separate account of their grammar is provided), that propositional variables can be used in a grammatically and philosophically acceptable way in philosophers' English. According to our criteria of well-formedness Carnap's semantic definition of truth does not lack an essential predicate - despite arguments to the contrary. It also followed from our account of the prosentential character of bound propositional variables that in explaining propositional quantification, sentences should not be construed as names.One matter we have not discussed is whether such quantification should be called propositional, sentential, or something else. As our variables do not range over (they are not terms) either propositions, or sentences, each name is inappropriate, given the usual picture of quantification. But we think the relevant question in this context is, are we obtaining generality with respect to propositions, sentences, or something else?Because people have argued that all bound variables must have a pronominal character, we presented and discussed in the third section languages in which the variables take propositional terms as substituends. In our case we included names of propositions, that-clauses, and names of sentences in the set of propositional terms. We made a few comparisons with the languages discussed in the second section. We showed among other things how a truth predicate could be used to obtain generality. In contrast, the languages of the second section, using propositional variables, obtain generality without the use of a truth predicate.Special thanks are due to Nuel D. Belnap, Jr., who has given me much valuable assistance with the preparation of this paper. I also thank Alan Ross Anderson, Joseph Camp, Jr., Steven Davis, and Wilfrid Sellars for suggestions and corrections.The preparation of this paper was partly supported by a NSF grant.     

Terminations

Whether the person leaving the group is a group member or a group therapist, the basic dynamics of separation are the same, involving the separation process as well as mourning. Terminations evoke ambivalent feelings of both separation-pain and hope. Group members and the departing person experience a loss, which reminds them of other losses, and the departing person (group member or therapist) may also experience some guilt. Any termination will have an effect on the-group-as-a-whole, as well as on the individual members, and must be dealt with prior to the actual leaving, as well as after the termination.