全文获取类型
收费全文 | 400篇 |
免费 | 29篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 8篇 |
2022年 | 4篇 |
2021年 | 3篇 |
2020年 | 9篇 |
2019年 | 18篇 |
2018年 | 17篇 |
2017年 | 20篇 |
2016年 | 20篇 |
2015年 | 8篇 |
2014年 | 7篇 |
2013年 | 32篇 |
2012年 | 20篇 |
2011年 | 18篇 |
2010年 | 13篇 |
2009年 | 15篇 |
2008年 | 19篇 |
2007年 | 13篇 |
2006年 | 15篇 |
2005年 | 7篇 |
2004年 | 14篇 |
2003年 | 18篇 |
2002年 | 13篇 |
2001年 | 9篇 |
1999年 | 6篇 |
1998年 | 4篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 4篇 |
1994年 | 5篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 5篇 |
1991年 | 4篇 |
1990年 | 5篇 |
1989年 | 5篇 |
1988年 | 3篇 |
1986年 | 4篇 |
1985年 | 3篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 4篇 |
1980年 | 4篇 |
1979年 | 3篇 |
1978年 | 6篇 |
1977年 | 4篇 |
1976年 | 7篇 |
1975年 | 4篇 |
1974年 | 3篇 |
1973年 | 3篇 |
1972年 | 3篇 |
1969年 | 2篇 |
1966年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有429条查询结果,搜索用时 140 毫秒
1.
2.
3.
Data from a survey of 4591 16-19-year-olds from four parts of Britain demonstrate that a North-South divide is manifested both economically and politically. Southerners are materially better off and more supportive of the Conservative party. Adopting a social identity analysis of sectional effects, we hypothesized that party political support is a manifestation of identification with locality, and also that political support, rather than perceived deprivation, would be associated with intentions to stay in or move out of ones locality. Results revealed that Labour supporters in the north of England, and Conservative supporters in the south were most committed to their locality. In Scotland, where nationalism is more directly linked to political parties, those who supported the Scottish Nationalist Party or Labour Party identified more strongly with Scotland and had less intention to leave, but also perceived their situation as more disadvantaged than did Conservatives. These findings are interpreted as supporting a social identity approach to political support and geographical occupational mobility. We suggest that despite the apparent irrationality of self-denying perceptions and choices, these may also serve self-preserving functions in the longer term. 相似文献
4.
Thirsty rats were used in order to determine whether a vinegar solution, which had been paired with an injection of lithium chloride, could block the formation of an association between a pentobarbital- and a lithium chloride-induced state. During phase 1 the rats in the blocking group had a 2.0% vinegar solution paired with an injection of 240 mg/kg of lithium chloride, during phase 2 these rats were reexposed to the vinegar prior to each injection of 20 mg/kg of pentobarbital and 240 mg/kg of lithium chloride, and during phase 3 these rats were given access to a novel 0.75% saccharin solution and were injected with pentobarbital after saccharin removal. Animals with this history did not form an association between the pentobarbital- and lithium chloride-induced states during phase 2 as evidenced by their refusal to consume the saccharin solution over repeated pairings of saccharin with pentobarbital during phase 3. Control groups that received forward pairings of pentobarbital and lithium chloride, in the absence of a previously conditioned vinegar solution during phase 2, formed an association between pentobarbital and lithium chloride. These findings indicate that drug states and flavors can interfere with each others' capacity to predict the occurrence of lithium chloride. 相似文献
5.
Michael Doyle OP 《新多明我会修道士》1989,70(829):347-349
The Psychologisation of the Church: on Jack Dominian's review of J.G. Sullivan's book 'Journey to Freedom: The Path to Self-Esteem for the Priesthood and Religious Life' (May, pp. 258—9). 相似文献
6.
7.
8.
9.
Fanny Lalot Dominic Abrams Maria S. Heering Jacinta Babaian Hilal Ozkececi Linus Peitz Kaya Davies Hayon Jo Broadwood 《Political psychology》2023,44(5):983-1011
We test the hypothesis that COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy is attributable to distrustful complacency—an interactive combination of low concern and low trust. Across two studies, 9,695 respondents from different parts of Britain reported their level of concern about COVID-19, trust in the UK government, and intention to accept or refuse the vaccine. Multilevel regression analysis, controlling for geographic area and relevant demographics, confirmed the predicted interactive effect of concern and trust. Across studies, respondents with both low trust and low concern were 10%–22% more vaccine hesitant than respondents with either high trust or high concern, and 26%–29% more hesitant than respondents with both high trust and high concern. Results hold equally among White, Black, and Muslim respondents, consistent with the view that regardless of mean-level differences, a common process underlies vaccine hesitancy, underlining the importance of tackling distrustful complacency both generally and specifically among unvaccinated individuals and populations. 相似文献
10.