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Data from a survey of 4591 16-19-year-olds from four parts of Britain demonstrate that a North-South divide is manifested both economically and politically. Southerners are materially better off and more supportive of the Conservative party. Adopting a social identity analysis of sectional effects, we hypothesized that party political support is a manifestation of identification with locality, and also that political support, rather than perceived deprivation, would be associated with intentions to stay in or move out of ones locality. Results revealed that Labour supporters in the north of England, and Conservative supporters in the south were most committed to their locality. In Scotland, where nationalism is more directly linked to political parties, those who supported the Scottish Nationalist Party or Labour Party identified more strongly with Scotland and had less intention to leave, but also perceived their situation as more disadvantaged than did Conservatives. These findings are interpreted as supporting a social identity approach to political support and geographical occupational mobility. We suggest that despite the apparent irrationality of self-denying perceptions and choices, these may also serve self-preserving functions in the longer term. 相似文献
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Fanny Lalot Dominic Abrams Maria S. Heering Jacinta Babaian Hilal Ozkececi Linus Peitz Kaya Davies Hayon Jo Broadwood 《Political psychology》2023,44(5):983-1011
We test the hypothesis that COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy is attributable to distrustful complacency—an interactive combination of low concern and low trust. Across two studies, 9,695 respondents from different parts of Britain reported their level of concern about COVID-19, trust in the UK government, and intention to accept or refuse the vaccine. Multilevel regression analysis, controlling for geographic area and relevant demographics, confirmed the predicted interactive effect of concern and trust. Across studies, respondents with both low trust and low concern were 10%–22% more vaccine hesitant than respondents with either high trust or high concern, and 26%–29% more hesitant than respondents with both high trust and high concern. Results hold equally among White, Black, and Muslim respondents, consistent with the view that regardless of mean-level differences, a common process underlies vaccine hesitancy, underlining the importance of tackling distrustful complacency both generally and specifically among unvaccinated individuals and populations. 相似文献
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Rodger Beehler 《Studies in Philosophy and Education》1990,10(4):315-335
The essay examines the argument advanced by E.D. Hirsch, Jr., for instituting ‘cultural literacy’ as a fundamental priority of schools. A number of confusions and equivocations in Hirsch's reasoning are identified, and the propensity of his project to indoctrinate is exposed. Among the features of Hirsch's argument shown to be troubling are his shifting construal of ‘language’, his inconsistency about the requirements of cultural literacy, and his uncritical relation to traditional images of the American past and present. The upshot is to raise the question why Hirsch's project has elicited wide support and praise. 相似文献
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Jörg R. J. Schirra 《Kognitionswissenschaft》1997,6(4):177-195
How can we explain that an assertion on something perceived can be understood in the same manner by somebody who cannot perceive that scene? This problem bases the interest in computational linguistics in how listener modeling could possibly be harmonized with reference semantics. Mental images substituting real perception appear as a way out. The architecture of the listener model has to be adapted to the creation and use of such pictorial data structures. Furthermore, the relation between the latter and a verbal (i. e., propositional) representation must be understood. The resulting architecture of a listener model with reference semantics can be employed to solve communicational problems from three general classes in a better way, as is demonstrated by an example implementation. 相似文献