Working memory and flexibility in awareness and attention

We argue that attention and awareness form the basis of one type of working-memory storage. In contrast to models of working memory in which storage and retrieval occur effortlessly, we document that an attention-demanding goal conflict within a retrieval cue impairs recall from working memory. In a conceptual span task, semantic and color-name cues prompted recall of four consecutive words from a twelve-word list. The first-four, middle-four, and final-four words belonged to different semantic categories (e.g., body parts, animals, and tools) and were shown in different colors (e.g., red, blue, and green). In Experiment 1, the color of the cue matched that of cued items 75% of the time, and the rare mismatch impaired recall. In Experiment 2, though, the color of the cue matched that of the cued items only 25% of the time, and the now-more-frequent mismatches no longer mattered. These results are difficult to explain with passive storage alone and indicate that a processing difficulty impedes recall from working memory, presumably by distracting attention away from its storage function.     

The magical number 4 in short-term memory: a reconsideration of mental storage capacity

Miller (1956) summarized evidence that people can remember about seven chunks in short-term memory (STM) tasks. However, that number was meant more as a rough estimate and a rhetorical device than as a real capacity limit. Others have since suggested that there is a more precise capacity limit, but that it is only three to five chunks. The present target article brings together a wide variety of data on capacity limits suggesting that the smaller capacity limit is real. Capacity limits will be useful in analyses of information processing only if the boundary conditions for observing them can be carefully described. Four basic conditions in which chunks can be identified and capacity limits can accordingly be observed are: (1) when information overload limits chunks to individual stimulus items, (2) when other steps are taken specifically to block the recording of stimulus items into larger chunks, (3) in performance discontinuities caused by the capacity limit, and (4) in various indirect effects of the capacity limit. Under these conditions, rehearsal and long-term memory cannot be used to combine stimulus items into chunks of an unknown size; nor can storage mechanisms that are not capacity-limited, such as sensory memory, allow the capacity-limited storage mechanism to be refilled during recall. A single, central capacity limit averaging about four chunks is implicated along with other, noncapacity-limited sources. The pure STM capacity limit expressed in chunks is distinguished from compound STM limits obtained when the number of separately held chunks is unclear. Reasons why pure capacity estimates fall within a narrow range are discussed and a capacity limit for the focus of attention is proposed.     

Habituation to auditory distractors in a cross-modal, color-word interference task

The speed of naming the color of a colored square was examined with acoustic distraction to study the effects of the formation of a mental representation (neural model) of distractors. In Experiment 1, practice with the distractors (color words, noncolor words, and tones) was examined, and in Experiments 2 and 3 each color-naming trial was preceded by preexposures to sounds that could be dissimilar, similar, or identical to the upcoming auditory distractor. Consistency in the identity of ignored sounds, whether during color-naming practice or between preexposures and test, reduced interference with color naming. Consistency in voice played no role, and attended preexposures were ineffective in reducing interference. Given these results, the authors propose that mental representations of distractors include information about their task relevance, which modulates disruption of the primary task.     

Estimating working memory capacity for lists of nonverbal sounds

Working memory (WM) capacity limit has been extensively studied in the domains of visual and verbal stimuli. Previous studies have suggested a fixed WM capacity of typically about three or four items, on the basis of the number of items in working memory reaching a plateau after several items as the set size increases. However, the fixed WM capacity estimate appears to rely on categorical information in the stimulus set (Olsson & Poom Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 102:8776-8780, 2005). We designed a series of experiments to investigate nonverbal auditory WM capacity and its dependence on categorical information. Experiments 1 and 2 used simple tones and revealed capacity limit of up to two tones following a 6-s retention interval. Importantly, performance was significantly higher at set sizes 2, 3, and 4 when the frequency difference between target and test tones was relatively large. In Experiment 3, we added categorical information to the simple tones, and the effect of tone change magnitude decreased. Maximal capacity for each individual was just over three sounds, in the range of typical visual procedures. We propose that two types of information, categorical and detailed acoustic information, are kept in WM and that categorical information is critical for high WM performance.     

Composting reflections for development

From an anecdotal rumination, the authors make the case for consideration of past reflections, in what they call 'composting', to inspire and enrich new, different and currently ongoing reflective activity and initiatives.     

FEMINIST AND FUNDAMENTALIST ATTITUDES TOWARD PORNOGRAPHY CONTROL

The purpose of this study was to investigate differences among feminists and between feminists and fundamentalists on attitudes toward pornography control. Ciliigan's (1982) model of moral reasoning was used as a basis for examining the division among feminists. An in-depth interview of 44 women was conducted. The feminists who wanted to control pornography, as well as the fundamentalists, focused primarily on responsibility to the welfare of others. Anticontrol feminists gave a higher priority to individual rights and freedom. Other differences, such as their hierarchy of values and experiences with victims of violence were found. All respondents felt extremely negative toward pornography and most believed that pornography is related to violence against women.     

INGROUP REJECTION AMONG WOMEN: THE ROLE OF PERSONAL INADEQUACY

We examined predictors and outcomes of women's hostility toward other women. Based on a projection model, we hypothesized and tested the theory via structural equation modeling that women's sense of personal inadequacy, the tendency to stereotype, and general anger would predict hostility toward women, and hostility toward women would predict blaming victims of violence and poor relationships with a female friend. Participants were 464 college women with an average age of 28.08. All measures were pencil and paper. Women's hostility toward women served as an intervening variable between a personal sense of inadequacy, tendency to stereotype, blaming women victims of violence, and intimacy with one's best female friend.     

“Shalom” Means Peace

ABSTRACT: This paper is based on firsthand information learned through observation-participation and speaking with individuals directly involved with postwar activities in Israel. Contacts with psychologists, social workers, and military personnel involved in postwar activities were the sources for much of the information. My personal experiences in Israel during the last 5 years (1969–1974) were the basis for my speculations.     

COGNITIVE STYLE AND ATTITUDINAL CORRELATES OF THE PERCEIVED CAUSES OF RAPE SCALE

This study examines the relations between beliefs about the causes of rape and attitudinal and cognitive style (the tendency to think about social problems systemically, the view of people as complex and changeable, and an intellectual personality) measures in a sample of 270 community-college students. The Perceived Causes of Rape (PCR) Scale included the following subscales: Male Dominance, Society and Socialization, Female Precipitation, Male Sexuality, and Male Hostility. Beliefs about the causes of rape varied on three dimensions: individual versus sociocultural causes of rape, those causes that focus on the perpetrator versus those that focus on the victim, and rape myths versus feminist beliefs. The causes of rape identified as rape myths were associated with male sexuality stereotypes, a version of Burt's (1980) Rape Myth Acceptance Scale, attitudes toward feminism, and self-identification as a feminist. Agreement with the sociocultural causes of rape was associated with cognitive style measures and age. We suggest that belief in sociocultural causes of rape may require a predisposition to think systemically as much as an ideological stance.