Die Hysterie im neuen Gewand und im Wandel der Zeit

Classical symptoms of hysteria – especially symptoms of hysterical neurosis (conversion type) – are not commonly seen any more. On the one hand, general knowledge about the function of hysterical has led to suppression of the underlying hidden conflicts, possibly up to resomatization. On the other hand, those affected may have rather subtle symptoms, e.g., vague pain, circulatory disorders, or fatigue. Overall, the hysterical phenomena have not become less common but have become “contemporary” and, therefore, more difficult to identify. Reliable epidemiological data, however, are difficult to obtain. Rough estimates indicate that 2–6?% of all people have dissociative disorders (ICD-10 definition). Histrionic personality disorder is estimated to occur with a frequency of 2–3?%. In 75?% of cases, the disease manifests relatively early, between the ages of 17 and 32 years and with a 3:1 female to male ratio. An average of 7 years elapses between first manifestation and the start of psychiatric–psychotherapeutic treatment.     

Duty-Related Posttraumatic Stress Symptoms in 911 Telecommunicators: The Roles of Childhood Trauma Exposure and Emotion-Focused Coping

A history of childhood trauma exposure has been linked to the development of posttraumatic stress symptoms in adulthood following new exposure. Unhealthy coping behaviors that could develop or be utilized in response to early trauma could lend themselves to psychological issues in adulthood. Emotion-focused and problem-focused coping strategies in relation to stressful duty-related situations are examined as indirect pathways through which childhood trauma exposure could be associated with duty-related posttraumatic stress symptoms in 911 telecommunicators (N = 808). Multiple mediation models revealed that 3 of the 4 emotion-focused coping strategies, but not the problem-focused strategies, functioned as significant mediators in the association between childhood exposure and duty-related posttraumatic stress symptoms. Pairwise comparisons showed that self-controlling and escape-avoidance strategies were the strongest pathways of the indirect childhood trauma exposure–posttraumatic stress symptoms association. Implications of results regarding coping in response to new traumatic events in adulthood and potential research and intervention directions are discussed.     

Aggressor's response to the victim's facial expression of emotion

Male college students (N = 96) were met by an experimental confederate who either agreed or disagreed with their opinion. The subjects were then given an opportunity to deliver electric shock to the confederate (victim), who responded to the shock with a facial expression of anger, fear, joy, or neutrality. The opinion condition had no effect, but the victim's facial expressions were clearly perceived by the subjects and two of them significantly influenced the amount of shock delivered to the victim by the subjects. The expression of enjoyment (smile) increased aggression while that of anger decreased aggression. The effects of the fear and neutral expressions did not differ from each other, and neither had a consistent significant effect on the amount of shock administered by the subjects.     

DOES USE OF TANGIBLE REWARDS WITH INDIVIDUAL CHILDREN AFFECT PEER OBSERVERS?1

The common assumption that employing tangible rewards with individual children will have adverse effects upon peer observers was studied in the preschool setting. Multiple-subject, multiple-baseline procedures were applied to two classes of children, aged 3.5 to 6 yr. In each group, three consecutive children with low base rates of in-seat behavior received a verbal contingency and food rewards for sitting, while peers (with either low or high rates of in-seat behavior) received neither food nor teacher attention for sitting. Peer reactions measured were in-seat behavior, aggression, nonaggressive disruptive behavior, and complaints. The procedures neither decreased the in-seat behavior of peer observers, nor increased their aggressive or disruptive behavior. On the contrary, peers with low base rates of sitting initially displayed an abrupt, but temporary, increase in sitting. Moreover, although no compensatory attention was delivered, all children exhibited improved sitting by the end of the study. Complaints, which consisted mainly of requests for rewards, decreased in frequency with successive program phases, and within each phase. It is suggested that the class improvement in sitting behavior and the absence of negative effects on observers may be partially due to the high frequency of attention the teacher maintained for other desired behavior and the lack of attention to children's complaints.     

Failed-Art and Failed Art-Theory

An object being non-art appears only trivially informative. Some non-art objects, however, could be saliently ‘almost’ art, and therefore objects for which being non-art is non-trivially informative. I call these kinds of non-art objects ‘failed-art’ objects—non-art objects aetiologically similar to art-objects, diverging only in virtue of some relevant failure. I take failed-art to be the right sort of thing, to result from the right sort of action, and to have the right sort of history required to be art, but to be non-art by having failure where being art requires success. I assume that for something to be art that thing must be the product of intention-directed action. I then offer an account of attempts that captures the success conditions governing the relationship between intention-directed actions and their products. From this, I claim that to be failed-art is to be the product of a failed art-attempt, i.e., to be non-art as the result of the particular way in which that art-attempt failed. An art-attempt I take to be an attempt with success conditions, that, if satisfied, entail the satisfaction of the conditions for being art—whatever those may be. To be art, then, is to be the product of a successful art-attempt. As such, any art theory incompatible with my account of failed-art is an art theory for which the notions of success and failure do not matter, and therefore an art theory for which being art needn't be substantively intention-dependent. So, any theory of art unable to accommodate my account of failed-art is ipso facto false.     

Do proposed facial expressions of contempt, shame, embarrassment, and compassion communicate the predicted emotion?

Shame, embarrassment, compassion, and contempt have been considered candidates for the status of basic emotions on the grounds that each has a recognisable facial expression. In two studies (N=88, N=60) on recognition of these four facial expressions, observers showed moderate agreement on the predicted emotion when assessed with forced choice (58%; 42%), but low agreement when assessed with free labelling (18%; 16%). Thus, even though some observers endorsed the predicted emotion when it was presented in a list, over 80% spontaneously interpreted these faces in a way other than the predicted emotion.