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Are there individual tendencies in convergence, such that some speakers consistently converge more than others? Similarly, are there natural “leaders,” speakers with whom others converge more? Are such tendencies consistent across different linguistic characteristics? We use the Switchboard Corpus to perform a large-scale convergence study of speakers in multiple conversations with different interlocutors, across six linguistic characteristics. Because each speaker participated in several conversations, it is possible to look for individual differences in speakers' likelihood of converging and interlocutors' likelihood of eliciting convergence. We only find evidence for individual differences by interlocutor, not by speaker: There are natural leaders of convergence, who elicit more convergence than others across characteristics and across conversations. The lack of similar evidence for speakers who converge more than others suggests that social factors have a stronger effect in mediating convergence than putative individual tendencies in producing convergence, or that such tendencies are characteristic-specific.  相似文献   
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Given advantages of freely available and modifiable measures, an increase in the use of measures developed from the International Personality Item Pool (IPIP), including the 300-item representation of the Revised NEO Personality Inventory (NEO PI–R; Costa &; McCrae, 1992a Costa, P., &; McCrae, R. (1992a). The five-factor model of personality and its relevance to personality disorders. Journal of Personality Disorders, 6, 343359.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®] [Google Scholar]) has occurred. The focus of this study was to use item response theory to develop a 60-item, IPIP-based measure of the Five-Factor Model (FFM) that provides equal representation of the FFM facets and to test the reliability and convergent and criterion validity of this measure compared to the NEO Five Factor Inventory (NEO-FFI). In an undergraduate sample (n = 359), scores from the NEO-FFI and IPIP–NEO–60 demonstrated good reliability and convergent validity with the NEO PI–R and IPIP–NEO–300. Additionally, across criterion variables in the undergraduate sample as well as a community-based sample (n = 757), the NEO-FFI and IPIP–NEO–60 demonstrated similar nomological networks across a wide range of external variables (rICC = .96). Finally, as expected, in an MTurk sample the IPIP–NEO–60 demonstrated advantages over the Big Five Inventory–2 (Soto &; John, 2017 Soto, C. J., &; John, O. P. (2017). The next Big Five Inventory (BFI–2): Developing and assessing a hierarchical model with 15 facets to enhance bandwidth, fidelity, and predictive power. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 113, 117143.[Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®] [Google Scholar]; n = 342) with regard to the Agreeableness domain content. The results suggest strong reliability and validity of the IPIP–NEO–60 scores.  相似文献   
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Many anthropological explanations of magical practices are based on the assumption that the immediate cause of performing an act of magic is the belief that the magic will work as claimed. Such explanations typically attempt to show why people come to believe that magical acts work as claimed when such acts do not identifiably have such effects. We suggest an alternative approach to the explanation of magic that views magic as a form of religious behavior, a form of communication that promotes or protects cooperative social relationships. We suggest that all forms of religious behavior involve persons communicating acceptance of a supernatural claim and that this act communicates a willingness to accept nonskeptically the influence of the person making such a claim. Thus, religious behavior communicates a willingness to cooperate with the claim maker and others who accept his or her influence. We suggest that magic, which can be distinguished by the communicated acceptance of the claim that certain techniques have supernatural effects, also promotes cooperation. Different types of magic, including sorcery, love magic, and curing magic, can be shown to communicate different types of messages, such as a threat to use violence to punish unsocial behavior, sexual desire, or concern for a person's well‐being. Ethnographic examples are used to support this hypothesis. This approach requires no assumptions about whether the practitioners of magic do or do not believe that the magical acts work as claimed. It attempts only to account for the identifiable talk and behavior that constitute magical acts by examining the identifiable, and often important, effects of these acts on the behavior of others.  相似文献   
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