Training children's self-control: A field experiment in self-monitoring and goal-setting in the classroom

A field experiment investigated the effects of training in self-monitoring and goal-setting skills on classroom study behavior and academic achievement among elementary school students in an individualized mathematics program. In the Self-Monitoring Conditions, students were shown a simple system for observing and maintaining daily records of their own study behavior during their math classes; orthogonally, in the Goal-Setting Conditions, students were shown a simple method of setting and recording daily performance goals during their math classes. Exposure to self-monitoring procedures produced significant increases in both appropriate study behavior and in actual achievement in the mathematics program, while exposure to goal-setting procedures had no effect on either study behavior or academic achievement. Nor, contrary to expectation, did exposure to the goal-setting instructions enhance the effectiveness of the self-monitoring system. The implications of these results in terms of implicit and explicit models of self-reinforcement processes were discussed.     

Effects of component length and of the transitions among components in multiple schedules

Pigeons received equal variable-interval reinforcement during presentations of two line-orientation stimuli while five other orientations appeared in extinction. Component duration was 30 seconds for all orientations and the sequence was arranged so that each orientation preceded itself and each other orientation equally often. The duration of one component (0°) was shortened to 10 seconds and the other (90°) was lengthened to 50 seconds. All animals showed large increases in response rate in the shortened component and this increase was recoverable after an interpolated condition in which all components were again 30 seconds in duration. This effect was replicated in a second experiment in which component duration was changed from 150 seconds to 50 seconds and 250 seconds. An examination of local contrast effects during the first experiment showed that the shortened component produced local contrast during subsequent presentations of the lengthened component, just as would a component associated with more frequent reinforcement. When the presentation sequence was changed so that the lengthened component was always followed by the shortened component, response rates generally increased during the lengthened component. When the sequence was arranged so that the shortened component always preceded the longer component, response rate decreased in the former. These effects, as well as the increases in response rate following change in component length, seem not to be the product of local contrast effects among components.     

Childhood peer rejection,aggression, withdrawal,and perceived competence as predictors of self-reported behavior problems in preadolescence

Childhood peer rejection, aggression, withdrawal, and perceived competence were compared as predictors of self-reported behavior problems. Peer sociometric status (Coie, Dodge, and Coppotelli, 1982), teacher ratings of behavior problems (Lorion, Cowen, & Caldwell, 1975), and perceived competence ratings (Harter, 1982) were obtained for 613 second-through fourth-grade children. Two years later, these students completed a modified version of the Youth Self-Report form (Achenbach & Edelbrock, 1987). Rejected children and neglected girls were more likely to have a self-reported nonspecific negative outcome than others. Neglected girls were at heightened risk for depression. A varied set of predictors obtained from different informants emerged for each sex for each of the specific self-reported outcomes of depression, unpopularity, delinquency, aggression, and self-destructive/identity problems. Results are discussed in terms of future directions for longitudinal research on the consequences of poor peer relationships in childhood.This research was supported in part by a grant from the W. Alton Jones Foundation and in part from Cooperative Agreement (G0087C3033) between the U.S. Department of Education, Office of Special Education and Rehabilitative Services, and the University of Virginia. However, the opinions expressed herein do not necessarily represent the opinions of the funding agencies. Portions of this paper were presented at the First Annual Meeting of the Society for Research in Child and Adolescent Psychopathology, Miami, Florida. The authors would like to thank Robert Terry, Ruth Axman, Pamela Griesler, Melissa DeRosier, Nancy Vaden, Charlene Eickholt, Amy Young, Emily Burhans, Eric Johnson, Renee Lorio, and Karen Welke for their assistance in conducting this research project.     

Fixed-interval punishment of running in hamsters

Four hamsters received brief electric shocks contingent upon running in a wheel. The fixed interval between shocks was varied systematically from 0 to 60 sec. Time spent running was directly related to the length of the fixed interval, while running speed remained roughly constant. Running depended on the fixed interval between shocks in the same way as bar-pressing maintained by food reinforcement, despite the fact that running was not established with nor maintained by explicit reinforcement.     

Efficacy and social validity of procedures for improving conversational skills of college students with autism

Better conversational skills correspond to a higher quality of life for adults diagnosed with autism spectrum disorder (ASD). In this study, we taught vocal–verbal responses discriminated by compound arrangements of concealed conversation partner mands to two college students with ASD. Participants learned to engage in self-questioning about their conversation partner's behavior and to reinforce three concealed mands for termination of an aversive conversation scenario. We assessed generalization to conversation probes with trained confederates and to interactions with untrained conversational partners (e.g., peers, professors). Finally, we collected peer ratings of the social validity of changes in conversational behavior as well as participants' ratings of study goals, procedures, and outcomes.     

Narrative access and production in preschoolers' false belief reasoning

False belief tests seem to show the apparent acquisition at around age 4 of an ability to understand the representational status of mind. In this article, preschoolers' performance on a false belief task was manipulated in terms of their grasp of its narrative base. Five experiments are reported in which 3-year-olds were helped to become familiar with the events that comprise the false belief procedure by going through a picture book version of the task, before being asked to judge the protagonist's mental state. In Experiment 1, children who had failed a traditional task succeeded if they narrated the book version back to the experimenter, particularly if they were fluent in their story recall. Experiment 2 showed that this success occurred either if the child recited the story or if she or he was taken through each page twice in succession. Experiment 3 combined the most effective procedures with a younger group of children (mean age 3;3) and revealed 95% success as long as they could recall the prerequisite events. Experiments 4 and 5 probed possible limiting conditions for success by inserting an extra episode in the story and changing the format of the test question. The results suggest that the structure of 3-year-olds' event memories is central to their poor performance in the traditional false belief task—a clear grasp of the false belief “narrative” is necessary for successful performance. When they are given the opportunity to link discrete events into a coherent narrative, they have no problem demonstrating an understanding of others' minds—being able to recount the narrative is sufficient for successful performance.     

Theory development should begin (but not end) with good empirical fits: a comment on Roberts and Pashler (2000)

S. Roberts and H. Pashler (2000) argued against using goodness of fit as evidence to support theories. The authors agree with their suggestions for how to go beyond good fits but disagree with their starting point. In this comment, the authors argue that good fits are part and parcel of theory development, that they are part and parcel of the processes suggested by S. Roberts and H. Pashler, and that they must be the starting point (though far from the ending point) in theoretical development. The authors discuss historical examples of scientific theory development, recent examples of psychological theory development, and development of a particular theory (social contagion theory; J. L. Rodgers & D. C. Rowe, 1993) that S. Roberts and H. Pashler criticized.