Countertransference as a guideline in the treatment of a psychotic patient

Presenting vignettes from a long analysis, the author describes many varieties of rage provoked in her by Meagan, a 29-year-old schizophrenic woman, and shows how the countertransference was the primary tool in helping to distinguish among the states, understand their origin, and work them through in the transference.     

Short- and long-term decrements in toxicosis-induced odor-aversion learning: the role of duration of exposure to an odor

Six experiments employed an odor-aversion paradigm to investigate the role of the duration of exposure to an odor in determining that odor's subsequent associability with illness. Rats were exposed to an odor at times T1 and T2, and the second of these exposures was followed by toxicosis. When the initial odor exposure was brief, the odor aversion was attenuated with a moderate T1-T2 interval of 3 hr (Experiment 1) but not with long intervals of 28 hr and 76 hr (Experiment 2). In contrast, when the initial odor exposure was long, the odor aversion was attenuated at a long T1-T2 interval (Experiment 3). With a T1-T2 interval of 24 hr, a brief initial exposure did not attenuate odor aversions when the context either remained the same or was changed from T1 to T2, whereas a long initial exposure attenuated such aversions when the context remained the same but not when the context was changed (Experiment 4). With a T1-T2 interval of 3 hr, a brief initial exposure attenuated odor aversions when the context remained the same or was changed from T1 to T2, whereas a long initial exposure attenuated such aversions when the context remained the same but not when the context was changed (Experiment 5). A brief exposure at T1, either with or without a subsequent context "extinction," attenuated odor aversions when the T1-T2 interval was 3 hr but not when this interval was 24 hr; a long initial exposure at T1, without a subsequent context "extinction," attenuated odor aversions when the T1-T2 interval was 4 hr and 24 hr but with a subsequent context "extinction" did not attenuate such aversions at either 4-hr or 24-hr T1-T2 intervals (Experiment 6). The results demonstrate that the duration of exposure to an odor determined whether that odor presentation caused short- or long-term decrements in odor conditionability and are discussed in terms of the relation between self- and retrieval-generated processes.     

Empowering the silent ranks: Introduction

Conclusion In conclusion, with this Special Issue we have tried to point out the complexities of diversity and the challenges it poses for community psychology. The groups we present are only an example of the many that suffer similar plights and enjoy similar strengths. The richness of their cultural backgrounds, the learnings that stem from their struggles, their sameness and uniqueness should challenge us to collaborate with them and to unearth other groups which did not have an opportunity to present their histories in this issue. Silence, as previously stated, can be a clear “voice” of resistance. However, it is our contention that in the long run, it is not the best strategy to achieve change in oppressive power relationships. Our reading of the articles in this issue, strengthens this belief. Thus, this publication provides a vehicle so that the distant humming of some groups starts resonating in our halls, while the voice of others that has already been heard is amplified. Eventually we hope that the thunderous and deafening sound of all these previously unheard voices, can move community psychology, and those of us within it, into a harmonious world of sound. Irma Serrano-García initiated the Special Issue by organizing the APA symposium from which it emerged. Since that event, the editors' contributions to writing the Introduction and to all other aspects of editing have been equal.     

Ethics -- perceived or reasoned from principles?: a rejoinder to Korn, Huelsman, and Reed

In response to Korn, Huelsman, and Reed's (1992) question, "Who defines those interests, and how serious must the setback be?" (p. 126), we argue that a wrongful (unjust) harm (a setback of interest) is not equivalent to a hurt (a temporary distressing mental state) and that the interests of importance are welfare interests (general means to our ulterior aims), not just a desire to avoid unpleasant mental states (hurts). To set back a welfare interest is to reverse its course or to impede, thwart, defeat, or doom it. It is the primary responsibility of the investigator to define both welfare interests and the risk of harm. An informed consent -- one with substantial understanding, in substantial absence of control by others, and given intentionally -- allows participants to autonomously authorize participation in research, including their toleration of acts of mental discomfort or distress during an experiment. Not only were our participants not wrongfully harmed, they benefited and were willing to volunteer for future research. No strong evidence has been advanced or linked to guided imagery in a way that would justify its restraint; to so claim evokes a standard of legal paternalism that fails to respect participants' competence and autonomy to choose to participate in research on rape using guided imagery.     

指向具体人物对象的人际信任:跨文化比较及其认知模型

本文对指向具体人物对象的人际信任作了跨文化实证比较研究,并探讨了人际信任的认知模型。使用人际信任行为量表(ITBS)测量了中国、香港及美国三地大学生的人际信任。根据三组被试对诸如父亲、哥哥、同班同学、医生和陌生人等20个人们生活中经常能够接触的人物信任程度的高低,可将这些具体人物对象归为“亲人”,“熟人”和“陌生人”三个群体。三组被试对“亲人”群体的人际信任没有显著差异,但中国被试对其它两个人物对象群体的信任要高于美国和香港被试,而后两组被试的差别则不显著。另外,利用多元回归法在人际信任与六种认知变量间建立了模型关系,发现其中只有两个变量对模型作出主要贡献,即:(1)对由信任行为而得到得回报的期望值越高;(2)得不到回报而引致损害的严重性评估越低,则一个人作出某一信任行为的可能性就越大。被试的文化背景和社会工业化程度对人际信任认知模型没有影响。     

Morphological errors in casual conversation.

Occasionally, listeners' strategies for dealing with casual speech lead them into an erroneous perception of the intended message-a slip of the ear. When such errors occur, listeners report hearing, as clearly and distinctly as any correctly perceived stretch of speech, something that does not correspond to the speakers' utterance. From a collection of almost 1000 examples of misperceptions in English conversation, perceptual errors involving morphology suggest that listeners expect monomorphemic forms and treat phonological information as primary. Listeners are not particularly attentive to morphological information and may supply inflectional morphemes as needed by context.     

Can memory requirements account for species' differences in invisible displacement tasks?

We tested the hypothesis that poor performance on the Piagetian invisible displacement task is related to increased memory requirements. Rhesus monkeys and orangutans received 3 types of problems (invisible, visible, and no transfer problems) each containing a number of steps equivalent to that of standard invisible displacements. If failure to solve invisible displacements was due to increased memory requirements, then the primates should perform at chance level on all 3 problems. However, rhesus monkeys solved visible and no transfer problems, but not invisible transfer problems. Half of the orangutans solved all 3 transfer problems, although their performance on invisible transfer problems was lower than that on the other problems. A subsequent cuing phase led to improved performance, and a few monkeys solved invisible transfer problems.