唯心论抑或实在论?

为什么唯心论到了17世纪才在西方出现？在东方，似乎一直流行这样的看法，即我们习惯于认为非精神的实在，近乎一种虚构，因此，一种一元论的形而上学，就以表象形式把宇宙置于一种包罗万象的意识中，而冲突、二元论或矛盾就处在表象内部了。粗略地说，东方的唯心论是一种一元论，在它的范围内，多样性和运动提出了一和多的问题。其实，唯心论（就其完整意义而言），自古希腊时代起直至整个中世纪，业已能够立足于受实在论支配的西方思想中，这大概并不确切。除了例外（贝克莱、施罗丁格、布鲁维尔），西方哲学很少比被纯化了的唯心论或实证…     

自我评论

一、字里行间有与无我已迈入人生第50个年头②，值此理想的时刻，回顾自己思想发展的历程并努力审视在勤奋工作年代（我将永远怀念）走过的正确道路，将受益匪浅。但我不撰写忏悔录，也不撰写纪念文章、我的人生回忆录。仟悔录，即对自我的道路反省，我不写，因为我认为每时每刻忏海十分有益，即力争实施行为时做到心明眼亮，我同样认为对个别人生做普遍判断徒劳无益。除了自认应进天堂或炼狱这个唯一目的，我看这类一般仔海只用以表现个人的虚荣心：或自鸣得意，或自怨自艾和痛心疾首，因为在两种情况下他确信意义重大的事物，实际上并非如…     

个人与社会的二律背反──H.别尔嘉耶夫的人学体验

人及其使命是别尔嘉耶夫创作的中心问题。“人是世界之谜，或许还是最大的谜。人之所以成为一个谜，并非因为他是动物和社会存在物，而是因为他是大自然和社会的一部分，是个人。整个世界和人的个性相比，和人的独特的面目及其独特命运相比，都算不了什么。人能感受到死亡的来临；他想知道，他从哪儿来，就到哪儿去。”①在寻求这些问题的答案时，别尔嘉耶夫走的是他自己的路：从马克思和康德到古典神学；从库占斯基和帕斯卡里，到德国神秘主义；从列昂季耶夫和索洛维约夫到叔本华和尼采；从弗洛伊德和荣格到海德格尔和雅斯贝斯。然而，正如…     

Reducing delusional speech in chronic, paranoid schizophrenics

Four schizophrenic patients with paranoid and grandiose delusions who had been hospitalized for an average of 17 yr were exposed to social reinforcement contingencies in a multiple baseline design. During the baseline period, each patient was interviewed for four 10-min sessions each day. The elapsed time from onset of conversation to onset of delusional talk was recorded. At the end of each day, the patients engaged in a 30-min informal chat with a nurse-therapist while relaxing with coffee, snacks, and cigarettes. The intervention introduced two contingencies: (1) The 10-min interviews were terminated as soon as the patient began talking delusionally; (2) The patients earned time for their evening chat by talking rationally during their daytime interviews. Increases of from 200 to 600% in the amount of rational talk exhibited during the interviews occurred as the contingencies were introduced for each patient sequentially over time. These increases were maintained in three patients when the amount of reinforcement was halved, but declined when the patients were confronted directly with their delusional ideas. A modest amount of generalization occurred from the day-time interviews to the evening chats but did not extend to the behavior of the patients on the ward.     

Modification of behavior problems in the home with a parent as observer and experimenter

Four parents enrolled in a Responsive Teaching class carried out experiments using procedures they had devised for alleviating their children's problem behaviors. The techniques used involved different types of reinforcement, extinction, and punishment. One parent increased the frequency of the wearing of an orthodontic device during five daily time checks by making an immediate monetary payoff contingent on wearing the device. A second parent increased the number of points earned for doing daily household tasks by providing back-ups for which the points could be exchanged. The parents of a 4-yr-old boy decreased the frequency of whines, cries, and complaints by removing social attention when such behavior occurred. A mother decreased the duration of time it took for her 5-yr-old daughter to get dressed by making permission to watch television contingent on dressing within 30 min of the time she got up in the morning. Brief reversals of contingencies were used to show causal relationships between the procedures used and the changes in behavior. Checks on the reliability of measurement were made by persons present in the home.     

Summation of punishment suppression

In two experiments, eight rats were trained to lever press with food on a variable-interval schedule. Bar pressing produced shock on a variable-interval schedule in the presence of two independently presented stimuli, a light and a tone. Two rats in each experiment received alternative presentations of the light and the tone and were consequently always in the presence of a stimulus that signalled variable-interval punishment. The other two rats in each experiment were treated similarly except that they received periods in which neither light nor tone was present. During these periods, bar pressing was not punished. The two stimuli that signalled punishment were then presented simultaneously to evaluate the effect of stimulus compounding on response suppression. The subjects trained without punishment-free periods did not show summation to the compound stimulus; the subjects trained with punishment-free periods showed summation of suppression. The major difference between the two experiments was the longer mean interval of variable-interval punishment used in the second experiment. This manipulation made the summation effect more resistant to extinction and thus increased its magnitude.     

Reduction of dangerously aggressive behavior in a severely retarded resident through a combination of positive reinforcement procedures

A severely retarded resident was released from a timeout chair only occasionally for brief periods of time. Under the timeout contingency alone, the subject made a choke response within minutes of being released. Attention, such as hugs, smiles, and candy was then increased, first by providing it non-contingently and continuously as long as there were no aggressive responses and then, by making it contingent upon incompatible responses. Under conditions of timeout plus increased attention, choking decreased aburptly. Grabbing responses, which increased when choking was reduced, were also reduced under conditions of timeout plus attention. Unrestrained time was gradually increased and all extra attention, i.e., more scheduled attention than provided other residents, was gradually withdrawn. When the resident was unrestrained all day and all extra attention was withdrawn, grabs and, to a lesser extent, chokes increased. Both were again reduced to a manageable level by scheduling several brief periods of attention each day. Hence, the program resulted in quick reductions that endured when the program was largely withdrawn. The changes in aggressive responding as a function of the presence and absence of extra attention suggest the importance of extra "positive reinforcement" in programs based upon positive reinforcement procedures and dealing with retarded residents for whom positive reinforcers may be scarce.     

The teacher as observer and experimenter in the modification of disputing and talking-out behaviors

Disputing and talking-out behaviors of individual pupils and entire classroom groups in special education classes and regular classes from white middle-class areas and from all black poverty areas ranging from the first grade to junior high school were studied. The classroom teacher in each case acted as the experimenter and as an observer. Various means of recording behaviors were used and reliability of observation was checked by an outside observer, another teacher, a teacher-aide, a student, or by using a tape recorder. Observation sessions varied from 15 min to an entire school day. After baseline rates were obtained, extinction of inappropriate disputing or talking-out behaviors and reinforcement of appropriate behavior with teacher attention, praise and in some cases a desired classroom activity or a surprise at the end of the week brought a decrease in undesired verbalizations. A reversal of contingencies brought a return to high levels of inappropriate talking with a return to low levels when reinforcement for appropriate talking was reinstated. The experiments demonstrated that teachers in a variety of classroom settings could obtain reliable observational records and carry out experimental manipulations successfully using resources available in most schools.     

Visual signal detection and the locus of foreperiod effects

The effect of alertness on S's sensitivity to external signals was determined by varying the foreperiod in a visual signal detection task. Discriminability increased with increasing foreperiods up to an optimal foreperiod, beyond which it decreased slightly. This pattern of results parallels closely that of many foreperiod studies in which reaction time was the dependent variable. Because no speeded response was required in this signal detection task, it was concluded that alertness must be affecting an information processing stage prior to those associated with responding. Other evidence indicates that alertness does not affect sensory stages either. Alertness, by elimination, must be affecting the operation of a central stage, Posner's view of alertness which implicates the central stages is discussed.