On the coding of spatial information

Two experiments studied recall of objects and their locations in an intentional-incidental learning paradigm. When studying spatial information, the usual incidental condition is not truly incidental, because subjects often deliberately use locations to help organize objects for recall. Therefore, a true incidental task was devised in which neither objects nor locations were expected to be recalled and for which explicit encoding of locations was irrelevant. There was only a small loss in recall of objects or their locations in a true incidental condition. It was concluded that a great deal of location information is automatically coded into long-term memory storage in the sense that active processing is not required. The data were contrasted with incidental processing of other attributes, such as color. Although adults performed better than children, there were no age-related interactions, indicating similarity of functioning at all ages studied.     

Attentive tracking of objects versus substances

Recent research in vision science, infant cognition, and word learning suggests a special role for the processing of discrete objects. But what counts as an object? Answers to this question often depend on contrasting object-based processing with the processing of spatial areas or unbound visual features. In infant cognition and word learning, though, another salient contrast has been between rigid cohesive objects and nonsolid substances. Whereas objects may move from one location to another, a nonsolid substance must pour from one location to another. In the study reported here, we explored whether attentive tracking processes are sensitive to dynamic information of this type. Using a multiple-object tracking task, we found that subjects could easily track four items in a display of eight identical unpredictably moving entities that moved as discrete objects from one location to another, but could not track similar entities that noncohesively "poured" from one location to another-even when the items in both conditions followed the same trajectories at the same speeds. Other conditions revealed that this inability to track multiple "substances" stemmed not from violations of rigidity or cohesiveness per se, because subjects were able to track multiple noncohesive collections and multiple nonrigid deforming objects. Rather, the impairment was due to the dynamic extension and contraction during the substancelike motion, which rendered the location of the entity ambiguous. These results demonstrate a convergence between processes of midlevel adult vision and infant cognition, and in general help to clarify what can count as a persisting dynamic object of attention.     

Recall of spatial location by the amnesic patient H.M

The amnesic patient H.M. was tested for immediate recall of the location of objects in an array. Three array-sizes were used: 16, 7, or 4 objects. With 16 objects, H.M.'s performance was at chance level; with the smaller arrays, his performance was above chance, but still well below the levels achieved by age-matched control subjects. The ability to recall location by H.M. did not differ under incidental and intentional learning conditions, thus failing to support the notion that automatic encoding skills may be selectively disrupted in amnesia.     

Development of sex differences in spatial memory.

Males typically perform better than females on tests of spatial abilities. However, Silverman and Eals (1992) found that females can surpass males on certain tasks, in particular recall of object location. This study investigated the age at which females begin having greater recall in object location. Recall was tested with object arrays (sets of line drawings of common objects) using samples of 80 adults (M age = 21 yr.) and 139 children at 3 age groups. Adult data replicated earlier findings, indicating significantly greater recall by women. The samples of children at different ages--4 yr. (n = 43), 10-11 yr. (n = 53), and 15-16 yr. (n = 43)--did not show significant sex differences in this type of recall. The findings suggest that females may surpass males in this spatial ability as adults, apparently due to gradual improvements in spatial memory through childhood and adolescence.     

How Do Opportunities to View Objects Together in Time Influence Children's Memory for Location?

We conducted three experiments to investigate how opportunities to view objects together in time influence memory for location. Children and adults learned the locations of 20 objects marked by dots on the floor of an open, square box. During learning, participants viewed the objects either simultaneously or in isolation. At test, participants replaced the objects without the aid of the dots. Experiment 1 showed that when the box was divided into quadrants and the objects in each quadrant were categorically related, 7-, 9-, and 11-year-olds and adults in the simultaneous viewing condition exhibited categorical bias, but only 11-year-olds and adults in the isolated viewing condition exhibited categorical bias. Experiment 2 showed that when the objects were categorically related but no boundaries were present, 11-year-olds and adults in the simultaneous viewing condition exhibited categorical bias, but only adults showed bias in the isolated viewing condition. Experiment 3 revealed that adults exhibited bias in both simultaneous and isolated viewing conditions when boundaries were present but the objects were not related. These findings suggest that opportunities to see objects together in time interact with cues available for grouping objects to help children form spatial groups.     

Selective deficit in spatial location memory in extremely low birth weight children at age six: The PETIT Study

Spatial location memory has rarely been assessed in young children due to a scarcity of developmentally appropriate tests. This study sought to compare nonverbal learning and recall in children born extremely low birth weight (ELBW; <1000 g) and less than 33 gestational weeks (GW) with term-born children at early school age using a recently developed and adapted test. We administered a modification of the Hopkins Board to 210 children at age six; 84 born ELBW (35 born < 26 GW; 49 born 26–33 GW) and 126 term-born. Six measures were obtained: naming, trials-to-criterion, errors-to-criterion, delayed item recall, delayed location recall, and percent retention. After age correction, ELBW children had worse general cognition, item naming, delayed item recall, delayed location recall, and percent retention than term-born children. Delayed item recall and percent retention performances of ELBW children remained worse after correction for general cognition. ELBW groups (< 26 GW and 26–33 GW) groups performed worse than term-born children in naming and delayed item recall with chronological age as covariate. Those born before 26 GW, but not 26–33 GW, performed worse than term-born children in delayed location recall and percent retention. Differences remained significant after controlling for gender, maternal education, and delivery type. All three groups' performance declined from final learning trial to delayed location recall, with a decline greater for less than 26 GW than term-born children. Extreme prematurity (< 26 GW) and ELBW are significant risk factors for spatial location memory deficit. The modified Hopkins Board discriminated high-risk preterm and term-born children at early school age and appears to be a useful test to measure this rarely studied cognitive capacity.     

Testing a word is not a test of word learning

Although vocabulary acquisition requires children learn names for multiple things, many investigations of word learning mechanisms teach children the name for only one of the objects presented. This is problematic because it is unclear whether children's performance reflects recall of the correct name–object association or simply selection of the only object that was singled out by being the only object named. Children introduced to one novel name may perform at ceiling as they are not required to discriminate on the basis of the name per se, and appear to rapidly learn words following minimal exposure to a single word. We introduced children to four novel objects. For half the children, only one of the objects was named and for the other children, all four objects were named. Only children introduced to one word reliably selected the target object at test. This demonstration highlights the over-simplicity of one-word learning paradigms and the need for a shift in word learning paradigms where more than one word is taught to ensure children disambiguate objects on the basis of their names rather than their degree of salience.     

The relationship between preschoolers’ selective attention and memory for location strategies

Late and early preschoolers’ attention and spatial strategies were examined in response to instructions to recall relevant objects [Blumberg, F. C. & Torenberg, M. (2003). The impact of spatial cues on preschoolers’ selective attention. Journal of Genetic Psychology, 164, 42–53] and irrelevant objects [Blumberg, F. C. & Torenberg, M. (in press). The effects of spatial configuration on preschoolers’ selective attention and incidental learning. Infant & Child Development], and to spatial placement of objects within a multi-colored box. Sets of toy chairs or animals were designated as relevant or irrelevant and placed in each of the box's corners (corners condition), in the middle of its walls (walls condition), or in two corners and in the middle of two walls (control condition). Selective attention and spatial strategies were assessed via the removal sequence of items. Recall was assessed via correct relocations of relevant items. Older children and corners condition children showed significantly better recall than children in other conditions. Overall, most children used selective strategies, indicating that relevance of items, rather than their spatial categorization as corners or walls influenced strategy choice.     

How do biases in spatial memory change as children and adults are learning locations?

This investigation tracked changes in categorical bias (i.e., placing objects belonging to the same spatial group closer together than they really are) while 7-, 9-, and 11-year-olds and adults were learning a set of locations. Participants learned the locations of 20 objects marked by dots on the floor of an open square box divided into quadrants. At test, participants attempted to place the objects in the correct locations without the dots and boundaries. In Experiment 1, we probed categorical bias during learning by alternating learning and test trials. Categorical bias was high during the first test trial and decreased over the second and third test trials. In Experiment 2, we manipulated opportunities for learning by providing participants with either one, two, three, or four learning trials prior to test. Participants who experienced one or two learning trials exhibited more bias at test than did those who experienced four learning trials. The discussion focuses on how categorical bias emerges through interactions between the cognitive system and task structure.     

Developmental aspects of memory for spatial location

The purpose was to show whether or not the encoding of location met criteria defining an automatic process (L. Hasher & R. T. Zacks, 1979, Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 108, 356-388; 1984, American Psychologist, 39, 1372-1388). Among other criteria, automatic processes are not expected to show developmental changes beyond an early age, to be unrelated to intelligence level, and to be unaffected by instructions. In the first experiment preschool through sixth-grade children were compared on a 40-picturebook task following incidental (remember the names of pictures) or intentional (remember location) instruction. Subjects viewed and named pictures in sets of four, arranged in quadrants in the opened book, and then attempted to recall names of the objects pictured and to relocate pictures on blank pages. In the second experiment, second and sixth graders, college students, elderly persons, and mentally retarded persons were compared on a 60-picturebook task following either incidental or semantic incidental instructions (give the function of objects pictured). Memory for location was invariant across age groups and intelligence level. The only exception was that 3 and 4 year olds were more accurate following intentional instructions. Otherwise there were no differences between intentional and incidental instructions. Semantic instructions resulted in slightly more accurate locations. The results were interpreted as supportive of the Hasher and Zacks' automaticity hypothesis.     

Developmental continuity in the processes that underlie spatial recall

This study investigated whether children's spatial recall performance shows three separable characteristics: (1) biases away from symmetry axes (geometric effects); (2) systematic drift over delays; and (3) biases toward the exemplar distribution experienced in the task (experience-dependent effects). In Experiment 1, the location of one target within each geometric category was varied. Children's responses showed biases away from a midline axis that increased over delays. In Experiment 2, multiple targets were placed within each category at the same locations used in Experiment 1. After removing geometric effects, 6-year-olds'--but not 11-year-olds'--responses were biased toward the average remembered location over learning. In Experiment 3, children responded to one target more frequently than the others. Both 6- and 11-year-olds showed biases toward the most frequent target over learning. These results provide a bridge between the performance of younger children and adults, demonstrating continuity in the processes that underlie spatial memory abilities across development.     

The effect of reinforcement and verbal rehearsal on selective attention in learning-disabled children

A central-incidental task of selective attention was administered to 100 learning-disabled boys — 48 younger children (81/2–101/2 years) and 52 older children (101/2–121/2 years). Subjects at both age levels were assigned to one of four conditions: (a) a standard condition; (b) a rehearsal condition, in which subjects were taught a verbal rehearsal strategy; (c) a reinforcement condition, in which correct responses were rewarded; and (d) a combined rehearsal-reinforcement condition. Older subjects recalled more central task but not more incidental task information than younger subjects. A measure of selective attention efficiency was also greater for older than for younger subjects. Central recall in the rehearsal-reinforcement condition was greater than in any other condition. Central recall was greater in the rehearsal condition than in the standard and reinforcement conditions. Selective attention efficiency was greater for both rehearsal conditions than for both nonrehearsal conditions. Incidental recall was higher for reinforcement subjects than for rehearsal subjects. Results suggest that induced verbal rehearsal improves central recall and selective attention in learning-disabled children. Reinforcement alone does not improve central recall but may when paired with rehearsal.This article is based on a Ph.D. dissertation completed by the senior author at the University of Virginia. Preparation of this article was supported in part by a contract (300-77-0495) from the Bureau of Education for the Handicapped, Office of Education, for the University of Virginia Learning Disabilities Research Institute.     

Developmental differences in remembering sentences after integrative or selective semantic processing

Fifth graders (age: 10 years) and college undergraduates performed one of four different semantic orienting activities on a series of agent-action-object sentences. Afterwards all subjects received a memory test combining recognition for whole sentences with cued recall for component agents, actions, and objects. Overall levels of both recall and recognition varied with the orienting activities. Relative recallability of agents, actions, and objects varied with orienting activity as well. Recognition performance improved with grade level but recall did not. The interaction between type of memory test and grade level was taken to indicate that organization of material in memory increases during adolescence even when the total amount of material stored does not.     

Memory deficits in early infantile autism: some similarities to the amnesic syndrome.

Autistic children were compared with control children on tasks in which retention was tested by different methods. In three tests of recall, using named pictures, written words and spoken words as test stimuli, autistic children were impaired in comparison with age-matched normal children and with controls matched for verbal ability. In one test of forced-choice recognition of pictures, autistic children were impaired in comparison with ability-matched controls. In three tests of cued recall, using named pictures, written words and spoken words as test stimuli, and acoustic, graphemic and semantic cues, autistic children were not impaired in comparison with normal age-matched controls. In one test of paired-associate learning using non-related word pairs as test stimuli autistic children were not impaired in comparison with normal age-matched controls. These experimental paradigms were similar to some that have been used to investigate the amnesic syndrome in man. Thus findings on paired-associate learning differ in autistic and amnesic subjects, but findings on recall, recognition and cued recall are comparable. A possible parallel between autism and amnesia is discussed.     

Memory for object locations: Priority effect and sex differences in associative spatial learning

This paper reports two experiments conducted to examine priority effects and sex differences in object location memory. A new task of paired position-learning was designed, based on the A–B A–C paradigm, which was used in paired word learning. There were three different paired position-learning conditions: (1) positions of several different objects (B-objects and C-objects) around referent objects (A-objects) were learned in the A–B A–C position-learning condition, (2) positions of several different objects with no referent objects were learned in the 0–B 0–C position-learning condition, and (3) positions of identical objects (stars) with no referent objects were learned in the 0-star 0-star position-only condition. The results revealed a significant priority effect on performance in the A–B A–C and the 0–B 0–C position-learning conditions but not in the 0-star 0-star position-only condition. Contradictory results were obtained with respect to the sex variable: a female superiority effect on paired position learning was significant in Experiment 1, but this effect was not replicated in Experiment 2. In addition, an articulatory suppression task used in Experiment 2 had a significant effect on recall of different object positions but no effect on recall of identical object positions. This suggested that verbal encoding was not necessary for learning of positions of identical objects.     

Is there a modality effect? Evidence for visual recency and suffix effects

In Experiment 1, four groups of 16 subjects performed ordered recall of six-syllable lists in both suffix and nonsuffix conditions. Sequential presentation of the lists varied for each group. In the auditory presentation, the syllables were delivered from one location only and were read aloud by the subjects. For the visual, spatially nondistributed presentation, the syllables appeared in one location only and were read silently. For visual, spatially distributed presentations, the syllables were spread out either vertically or horizontally and were read silently. Very robust recency and suffix effects were found in the auditory presentation, as well as in visual, spatially distributed presentations. In Experiment 2, 16 subjects performed ordered recall of visually presented lists with the items spread out vertically and conflicting spatial and temporal orders. A reliable recency effect was found for the final block of trials. In Experiment 3, 16 subjects performed ordered recall in the same conditions as in Experiment 2, except that they were instructed to recall the temporal order in which the spatial positions would be filled in. A bow-shaped curve and a strong recency effect were obtained.     

旋转任务中3～5岁儿童空间物体位置编码的研究

本实验探讨3~5岁儿童在对空间物体位置进行编码时,能否有效采用心理旋转策略或根据物体"位置关系"来判断物体方位。实验采用3×4混合设计,在旋转条件下研究上述问题。结果表明:(1)在策略方面,儿童对心理旋转的使用要显著优于利用位置关系进行判断;(2)随着年龄增长,心理旋转的能力不断提高,5岁时进步尤其明显;(3)3~5岁儿童均不能自动利用位置关系对物体位置进行编码,但5岁儿童经提示后可采用此策略。     

Partial picture effects on children's memory for sentences containing implicit information

Two experiments were conducted examining the effects of partial picture adjuncts on young children's coding of information that was implied in sentences. In the two most critical conditions of these studies, subjects were presented sentences specifying a subject, an action, and a direct object with the instrument used to carry out the action not specified in the sentence (e.g., The workman dug a hole in the ground). Implicit-sentence-only subjects received only the sentences, whereas the implicit sentence + partial picture subjects also viewed a partial picture depicting the action in the sentence minus the implied instrument. The main hypothesis was that subsequent recall of the sentences given the implied instrument as a cue would be facilitated by the partial pictures provided at study, since they would lead the children to infer the instrument. That occurred with 6- to 7-year-old children, but not with preschool children. Consistent with the conclusion that the partial pictures prompted 6- to 7-year-olds to infer the instruments, implicit sentence + partial picture subjects recalled as much as subjects in two other conditions, one in which subjects were explicitly told the instruments at study and one in which subjects saw the instruments depicted in pictures at study. In contrast, preschool subjects who heard explicit sentences containing the instruments outperformed subjects who heard implicit sentences even when the implicit sentences were accompanied by pictures depicting the instruments. This failure of complete pictures to facilitate preschoolers' recall of information implied in sentences contrasts with the many demonstrations of prose learning facilitation when picture and sentence contents explicitly and completely overlap. In summary, there were developmental differences in whether (a) partial pictures significantly facilitated inferencing (and subsequent cued recall) and (b) complete pictures containing information not explicitly stated in sentences promoted cued recall of the sentences.