Construction of activity duration and time management potential

Two experiments examined the estimation of event duration. In Experiment 1 subjects estimated the expected duration of five everyday activities, performed the activities, and then made retrospective estimates of the duration of the activities. Expected and retrospective estimates were positively correlated, even when actual duration was taken into account suggesting both estimates may have been constructed partly from general knowledge of activity duration. Experiment 2 examined the ability to predict activity duration within a time management framework. Results indicated that subjects' accuracy in predicting the duration of a series of events was not related to time management ability as measured by the Time Structure Questionnaire (TSQ). Subjects generally made overestimations, and this tendency may be a strategy that gives a feeling of control over time and helps avoid stress caused by an inability to complete tasks in the allocated time. No relationship was found between expected duration estimation ability and academic performance.     

The effect of actual event duration and event memory on the reconstruction of duration information

Two experiments investigated the effect of actual event duration and event memory on the retrospective estimation of public event duration. Experiment 1 provided a typicality score for each of 20 public events. The typicality score represents the degree to which the event's actual duration deviates from the typical duration of its category. Subjects in Experiment 2 estimated the duration of the events used in Experiment 1 and indicated whether they remembered the events. Typicality scores were found to be highly correlated with estimation accuracy, and to predict whether event duration was under- or over-estimated. Remembering an event slightly increased estimation accuracy. The results are discussed in terms of their implications for the assessment of eyewitness retrospective duration estimation abilities, and the reconstructive model of retrospective duration estimation proposed by Burt and Kemp (1991).     

Categorisation of action speed and estimated event duration

Two experiments investigated the relationship between the words used to describe event actions and estimates of event duration, and whether this relationship might account for some of the variation found in duration estimates. Experiment 1 manipulated sets of action words within an account of a robbery, and replicated the Burt and Popple (1996, Experiment 1) finding that estimated duration decreased as the implied action speed of the robbery increased. Experiment 2 found considerable variation across individuals in the action words they used to describe a robbery, and that the number of action words used was negatively correlated with estimated duration. Taken together the experiments suggest that the interaction between individual differences in action categorisation and the use of inferences about the relationship between action speed and event duration, may account for some of the between-subject variation found in estimates of event duration.     

Effects of event structure on retrospective duration judgments

Two experiments examined whether varying degrees of event coherence influence the remembering of an event’s actual duration. Relying on musical compositions (Experiment 1) or filmed narratives (Experiment 2) as experimental stimuli, the underlying hierarchy of information within events (i.e., melodic intervals or story elements) was either attentionally highlighted or obscured by placing a varying number of accents (i.e., prolonged notes or commercial breaks) at locations that either coincided or conflicted with grammatical phrase boundaries. When subjects were unexpectedly asked to judge the actual duration of events, through a reproduction (Experiment 1) or verbal estimation (Experiment 2) task, duration estimates became more accurate and less variable when the pattern of accentuation increasingly outlined the events’ nested relationships. Conversely, when the events’ organization was increasingly obscured through accentuation, time judgments not only became less accurate and more variable, but were consistently overestimated. These findings support a theoretical framework emphasizing the effects of event structure on attending and remembering activities.     

Estimating the frequency of everyday events

In two experiments, subjects recorded the frequency of occurrence of 12 classes of events each week for 3 months. During a final test they estimated frequency of occurrence of events either under time restrictions (Experiment 1) or difference priming instructions (Experiment 2). They also made (metamemory) estimates of the accuracy of their estimates. Time restrictions during an initial estimate did not affect the accuracy of frequency or metamemory estimation but a second estimate did increase accuracy. Priming instructions affected accuracy of metamemory estimates as well as the accuracy of estimates for high-frequency events. Metamemory error increased with event frequency.     

The role of learning in remembered duration

In two experiments, the effects of learning on both the accuracy and bias of duration judgments were examined. In Experiment 1, subjects learned one of two tasks (i.e., using a computer software package, building a model car), containing a varying number of action steps, over a one-, three-, or five-trial period. Retrospective judgments of a task’s total duration revealed that accuracy was high at intermediate stages of learning but was low at early stages due to an overestimation bias and low at later stages due to an underestimation bias. The number of action steps within a task influenced behavior only at early learning stages where more action steps led to significantly longer duration estimates. Experiment 2 acted as a converging operation in which novice and experienced pianists were asked to estimate, in advance, how long they thought it would take them to play melodies that varied in their degree of familiarity (i.e. recently learned, well learned, extremely well learned). When these estimates were compared with the melodies’ actual playing times, results revealed a similar pattern of accuracy and bias as found in Experiment 1. These findings are discussed in terms of a “structural remembering model” that emphasizes the role of event predictability in time estimation behavior.     

Characteristics of proper names and temporal memory of social news events

Long-term memory of social news events was investigated by means of a questionnaire methodology with a large sample of participants. In Experiment 1, a total of 501 university students were asked to give proper names (i.e., persons and places) that related to a certain news event, and to estimate the date of the event. The accuracy of proper names (especially person names) was superior to that of estimated date (i.e., year). In addition, telescoping effects were found in the events that occurred more than 3 years ago, but time expansion effects emerged in the events that occurred less than 2 years ago. In Experiment 2, in which 182 students participated, the accuracy of proper names and the date estimates tended to be high on the events that participants judged to be given frequent exposure by the mass media. Based on these results, we discuss long-term memory and temporal schemata regarding social news events.     

Characteristics of proper names and temporal memory of social news events

Long-term memory of social news events was investigated by means of a questionnaire methodology with a large sample of participants. In Experiment 1, a total of 501 university students were asked to give proper names (i.e., persons and places) that related to a certain news event, and to estimate the date of the event. The accuracy of proper names (especially person names) was superior to that of estimated date (i.e., year). In addition, telescoping effects were found in the events that occurred more than 3 years ago, but time expansion effects emerged in the events that occurred less than 2 years ago. In Experiment 2, in which 182 students participated, the accuracy of proper names and the date estimates tended to be high on the events that participants judged to be given frequent exposure by the mass media. Based on these results, we discuss long-term memory and temporal schemata regarding social news events.     

Estimating national populations: cross‐cultural differences and availability effects

Estimates of national population were studied in two experiments. In Experiment 1, Canadian and Chinese undergraduates rated their knowledge of 112 countries and then estimated the population of each. In Experiment 2, Canadians rated their knowledge of 52 countries and then provided population estimates for these primed countries and for a comparable set of 52 unprimed countries. In Experiment 1, participants from both nations produced estimates that resembled those obtained from Americans in prior studies (Brown and Siegler, 1992 , 1993 , 1996 , 2001 ). However, there were several reliable cross‐national differences in performance which appear to reflect cross‐cultural differences in task‐relevant naive domain knowledge. In addition, both experiments produced findings consistent with the claim that availability‐based intuitions play an important role in this task. In Experiment 1, cross‐national differences in rated knowledge predicted cross‐national differences in estimated population; in Experiment 2, primed country names elicited larger population estimates than unprimed country names. We conclude by arguing for the general utility of this hybrid approach to real‐world estimation. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Duration judgment and the segmentation of experience

Two experiments tested an interval segmentation explanation of duration judgment. In Experiment 1, a 170-sec time interval was filled with 27 unrelated words and three high-priority events (HPEs). These HPEs were clustered at the beginning of the interval (unsegmented condition) or distributed throughout the interval (segmented condition). Both recognition and recall of list information were measured, in addition to duration estimates. While no differences in memory performance were found, duration estimates were greater in the the segmented condition. Experiment 2 also tested the effects of interval segmentation but used 36 words and eight HPEs, a longer clock duration, and also measured the remembered number of events (RNE) in the interval. As in Experiment 1, the segmented condition produced longer duration estimates in the absence of memory performance and RNE differences. A segmentation hypothesis seems a better explanation of these results than previously proposed storage size or amount-of-processing models of duration judgment.     

Establishing the Duration of Crimes: An Individual Differences and Eye‐Tracking Investigation into Time Estimation

The time available for viewing a perpetrator at a crime scene predicts successful person recognition in subsequent identity line‐ups. This time is usually unknown and must be derived from eyewitnesses' duration estimates. This study therefore compared the estimates that different individuals provide for crimes. We then attempted to determine the accuracy of these durations by measuring observers' general time estimation ability with a set of estimator videos. Observers differed greatly in their ability to estimate time, but individual duration estimates correlated strongly for crime and estimator materials. This indicates that it might be possible to infer unknown durations of events, such as criminal incidents, from a person's ability to estimate known durations. We also measured observers' eye movements to a perpetrator during crimes. Only fixations on a perpetrator's face related to eyewitness accuracy, but these fixations did not correlate with exposure estimates for this person. The implications of these findings are discussed. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Tragedy or tragicomedy: Mixed feelings induced by positive and negative emotional events

Based on the theory of appraisal, we predicted that positive and negative events happening to the same people or things in a specific chronological order (i.e., a negative event following a positive event) would induce different mixed feelings than the same events happening to different people or things. Pairs of emotional pictures with different captions were used to create two event groups. In the “tragic event” group, the positive and negative events happened to the same person or things, and in the “tragicomic event” group, the positive and negative events happened to different people or things. We designed two experiments to explore and compare the generation of mixed feelings in those two groups. In Experiment 1, the negative event was shown first, and in Experiment 2, the negative event was shown second (although the chronological order of the depicted events was the same). The participants were 381 undergraduates: 195 in Experiment 1 and 186 in Experiment 2. In both experiments, we found that tragic events introduced less intense mixed feelings than did tragicomic events due to fewer pleasurable feelings induced by the tragic events. There was no significant difference in the report of negative emotions between the groups. Appraisal theory and negative bias effects may explain these results.     

Audio-visual interactions with intact clearly audible speech

The effects of viewing the face of the talker (visual speech) on the processing of clearly presented intact auditory stimuli were investigated using two measures likely to be sensitive to the articulatory motor actions produced in speaking. The aim of these experiments was to highlight the need for accounts of the effects of audio-visual (AV) speech that explicitly consider the properties of articulated action. The first experiment employed a syllable-monitoring task in which participants were required to monitor for target syllables within foreign carrier phrases. An AV effect was found in that seeing a talker's moving face (moving face condition) assisted in more accurate recognition (hits and correct rejections) of spoken syllables than of auditory-only still face (still face condition) presentations. The second experiment examined processing of spoken phrases by investigating whether an AV effect would be found for estimates of phrase duration. Two effects of seeing the moving face of the talker were found. First, the moving face condition had significantly longer duration estimates than the still face auditory-only condition. Second, estimates of auditory duration made in the moving face condition reliably correlated with the actual durations whereas those made in the still face auditory condition did not. The third experiment was carried out to determine whether the stronger correlation between estimated and actual duration in the moving face condition might have been due to generic properties of AV presentation. Experiment 3 employed the procedures of the second experiment but used stimuli that were not perceived as speech although they possessed the same timing cues as those of the speech stimuli of Experiment 2. It was found that simply presenting both auditory and visual timing information did not result in more reliable duration estimates. Further, when released from the speech context (used in Experiment 2), duration estimates for the auditory-only stimuli were significantly correlated with actual durations. In all, these results demonstrate that visual speech can assist in the analysis of clearly presented auditory stimuli in tasks concerned with information provided by viewing the production of an utterance. We suggest that these findings are consistent with there being a processing link between perception and action such that viewing a talker speaking will activate speech motor schemas in the perceiver.     

The relationship between the number of presented stimuli and prospective duration estimates: The effect of concurrent task activity

The attention/distraction models of prospective time estimation predict either a negative relationship or an independence between duration estimates and the number of stimulus events presented during the time period, but not a positive relationship. Two experiments examined this relationship under prospective conditions. Lists of words were presented during a 60-sec time period at either a fast or a slow rate. Subjects either passively viewed the words or actively responded by performing either a graphemic or a semantic classification task on each word. To measure subjective duration, the method of magnitude estimation was used in Experiment 1 and the method of reproduction was used in Experiment 2. Time estimates were independent of the number of presented words in the passive viewing condition, and negatively related in the classification task conditions. Furthermore, the two classification tasks had similar effects on time estimates. These findings are consistent with the attentional models of prospective timing, and they question the robustness of earlier findings of a positive relationship between time estimates of moderately long intervals and the number of presented stimuli under conditions of minimal processing of the interval events.     

Effects of implied action speed on estimation of event duration

Two experiments investigated the effect of manipulating the implied speed of an individual's actions on estimation of event duration. Experiment 1 requested duration estimates from eyewitnesses to a staged event. Three groups of subjects participated, and each was provided with different postevent information, which varied the implied speed of the individual that acted out the event. Results indicated that subjects who were led to believe the actor engaged in fast actions (e.g. running) generated significantly shorter duration estimates than those led to believe the speed of the actor was slow (e.g. the actor walked). Experiment 2 manipulated implied action speed by varying the commands given by a robber during a bank robbery. The marked sound track contained phrases such as ‘hurry up’, ‘come on’, ‘now!’ which imply that the bank tellers, to whom the commands were directed, had a slow action speed. The unmarked sound track contained the same number of words as the marked tape, but they did not emphasize action speed. Both versions of the video had the same actual duration. Results indicated that subjects shown the marked video gave significantly longer duration estimates, than those shown the unmarked video. The results are discussed in terms of the reconstruction of event duration, and implications for assessing the accuracy of eyewitness testimony.     

Memory for traumatic events

This research compares memory for traumatic events with memory for non-traumatic versions of the same event. In Experiment 1, subjects watched an event depicted in slides while focusing and rehearsing the central detail of each slide. They were tested after a short or a longer retention interval (20 min or 2 weeks). Subjects who watched the traumatic version were better able to recall the central details that they had rehearsed, but were less well able to recognize the specific slides that they saw. Better recall for the traumatic group did not occur because the words used to describe the recalled details were inherently more memorable, as shown in Experiment 2. In Experiment 3, subjects watched either a traumatic or non-traumatic version of a filmed event and about 6 months later they were asked to remember the essence of the film. Subjects who saw the traumatic version were better able to recall the essence of the film. A similar finding was obtained with a group of subjects from Experiment 1 who were also contacted about 6 months after their initial participation. These results suggest that some information (the essence, the theme) of a traumatic event might be relatively well retained in memory, while memory is impaired for many of the specific, and especially peripheral, details.     

Time perception is enhanced by task duration knowledge: Evidence from experienced swimmers

The present study deals with the impact on temporal estimation of previous knowledge about the duration of a specific task (referred to as ??task duration knowledge??). Athletes were recruited in this study because they are assumed to have high levels of task duration knowledge in their discipline. In Experiment 1, 28 elite swimmers had to estimate the time it would take to swim a given distance using two different strokes for which they had different task duration knowledge levels. The swimmers estimated duration more accurately and with less uncertainty in the high-knowledge than in the low-knowledge condition. In Experiment 2, the swimmers had to produce 36?s of swimming in various contexts that altered the retrieval of their task duration knowledge, with and without a secondary task. When swimmers could not rely on their task duration knowledge, their productions were more affected by the secondary task. In Experiment 3, the swimmers were more precise at producing time when visualising something that they knew well (swimming) rather than something that they had never experienced, which shows that physical execution is not a mandatory requirement for observing the enhancement effect resulting from task duration knowledge. These three converging experiments suggest that task duration knowledge is strongly involved in time perception.     

提取诱发遗忘中的相关代价与效益问题：反应抑制能力与项目竞争强度的影响

采用提取练习范式,通过操作反应抑制能力和项目竞争强度两个变量,考察相关代价与效益问题（CCB）对大学生提取诱发遗忘（RIF）的影响。实验为2（反应抑制能力：高、低）×2（项目竞争强度：高、低）×3（项目类型：Rp+、Rp-、Nrp）三因素混合设计。结果发现,高反应抑制能力者在高项目竞争强度下产生了RIF,在低项目竞争强度下则未产生;低反应抑制能力者在高、低项目竞争强度下均未产生RIF。这些结果表明,对反应抑制能力正常的大学生而言,需要认知资源的抑制控制加工是RIF的产生机制,且这种抑制性RIF不受CCB的影响。     

Is knowing believing? The role of event plausibility and background knowledge in planting false beliefs about the personal past

False memories are more likely to be planted for plausible than for implausible events, but does just knowing about an implausible event make individuals more likely to think that the event happened to them? Two experiments assessed the independent contributions of plausibility and background knowledge to planting false beliefs. In Experiment 1, subjects rated 20 childhood events as to the likelihood of each event having happened to them. The list included the implausible target event “received an enema,” a critical target event of Pezdek, Finger, and Hodge (1997). Two weeks later, subjects were presented with (1) information regarding the high prevalence rate of enemas; (2) background information on how to administer an enema; (3) neither type of information; or (4) both. Immediately or 2 weeks later, they rated the 20 childhood events again. Only plausibility significantly increased occurrence ratings. In Experiment 2, the target event was changed from “barium enema administered in a hospital” to “home enema for constipation”; significant effects of both plausibility and background knowledge resulted. The results suggest that providing background knowledge can increase beliefs about personal events, but that its impact is limited by the extent of the individual’s familiarity with the context of the suggested target event.