一个佛教徒的科学观——在中北大学“科学视野中的佛教”研讨会上的发言

今天，在风光独特、景色宜人的济州岛，我们中韩日三国佛教界的众多人士齐聚一堂，共同探讨“佛教徒为环境保护所承担的责任”这一话题．具有非常重要的意义。尤其济州岛人民素来以民风淳朴、热情友善、重视环保而著称，在这里讨论与人类前途密切相关的环境问题，缘起更显得十分殊胜、吉祥!     

闹剧背后:从思想史的角度看"评法批儒"运动

对70年代中期的“评法批儒”运动,人们一般都从政治的角度做出评价。该文试图从思想史的角度审视一下这场具有闹剧色彩的运动。作者认为,起码要注意这场运动的两个思想史背景：近代以来法家地位的节节上升和“五四”以来强大的反传统主义。作者还认为,该运动中的大量印刷古书,可以看做是对“文革”开始时烧古书的修错。文章最后对法家的现代价值和儒法互补提出个人看法。     

老庄道家责任伦理思想新释

尽管老庄道家尊奉“道法自然”的法式,主张绝圣弃智和清静无为,追求无为而无不为,却并非一味提倡消极避世,并非不讲人的责任担当。老庄道家的责任伦理思想主要体现在四个层面:一是无责于人:责任的内涵。《庄子》虽无“责任”概念,却通过“责”“任”和“事”等来明言范畴,阐述了无责于人、不避其任、应为之事、圣人之过的责任伦理观念;二是道法自然:责任的指向。在天人关系的宇宙论框架之中,立足于三种“自然”的意涵,老庄阐述了常因自然、以辅万物、听天由命等人对待自然的责任观念;三是审分明职:责任的职业主体承担。《道德经》不太关注君臣问题,也不太关注君臣责任,而《庄子》从天道与人道、自然秩序与社会秩序相互感应的角度,强调不同角色、不同身份和不同等级的责任分工,尤为关注君、臣两种职业的责任;四是为而不争:责任的理想人格承担。老庄道家构建了许多理想人格,诸如真人、大丈夫、大人、神人、圣人等,并分别就其应承担的责任做了独特阐释。     

论先秦法家之法的公正意蕴

法家是先秦诸子百家中重要的一派。其宗旨是倡导“法治”,“不别亲疏、不殊贵贱,一断于法“(司马谈:《论六家要旨》);但在对此“法”的理解上,从古至今,大都释之为“刑赏”。于是法家在人们心目中的形象不是“残害至亲,伤恩薄厚”(同上)的酷吏,     

人与自然和谐的道德基础——古代"天人合一"思想的现代生态伦理启示

人与自然的和谐有着道德基础。古代的“天人合一”思想为我们从道德的视角研究人与自然的和谐,以及建构现代生态伦理观提供了一定的帮助。从道德的意义上,人与自然的和谐中人是道德主体,承担着全部道德责任,其行为是道德评价的对象。人对自然的适应与改造、尊重与利用是辩证的统一。     

法家司法思想探微

本文从四个方面考察了法家的司法思想，认为法家司法思想的理论根据是所谓“好利恶害”的人性论；司法的基本要素是明法（通晓法律、司法严明）、尊法（尊重法律、树立司法权威）、慎法（谨慎适用法律）和奉法（严格依法从事司法活动）等；对司法人员的基本要求是“破私任法”；司法的基本目标是“以刑去刑”。尽管法家对司法问题的论述不无偏颇之处，但也有一定的历史合理性，其中某些观点也不无借鉴意义。     

论英国"社会服务国家"的建立

英国福利国家的建立 ,依国家干预的程度和范围 ,大致可分为三个阶段。第一阶段是自由主义阶段 ,这一阶段国家对社会福利的干预极其有限 ,主要是由政府设立济贫机构对一部分社会成员进行救济 ,除此之外 ,社会成员则以自助或互助的方式寻求救济 ;第二阶段是国家部分干预阶段 ,这一阶段对社会贫困等问题逐渐形成了新的认识 ,国家也逐步对社会成员的生老病死承担起必要的责任 ,西方学者所说的“社会服务国家”① ,即2 0世纪初自由党的社会立法时期 ,就属于这一阶段 ;第三阶段则是国家全面干预阶段 ,二战以后英国建立了一整套“从摇篮到坟墓”的…     

"精诚同志社""灵魂说"与"道德说"

“精诚同志社”的“灵魂说”特点是灵魂不死,以“转生”与“轮回”作为补充。人们要纯洁灵魂,使之复返上界,进入天堂。其“道德说”提倡禁欲和节制,重视人类责任,尊崇苦行,尊重知识,同情妇女,强调自我完善与道德净化,因此有着其独特之处。     

论主体道德责任

研究主体承担道德责任的原因、范围和限度,分析道德责任感的发展阶段和构成要素,增强主体道德责任感,能使人们尤其是人文学科工作者自觉地承担起对社会、他人和国家的道德责任,因而具有很强的现实意义。本文试图对主体道德责任问题进行初步的探析。作为社会主体的人,都负有这样或那样的道德责任。可以说,“每一个在道德上有价值的人,都要有所承担,不负任何责任的东西,不是人而是物。”①１．主体对自己行为负有一定道德责任的原因。对于这个问题,先哲们作了许多探讨,集大成者应首推康德,在康德的道德哲学体系中,责任占有非常重…     

法家的法律统一思想对高校思想教育的启示

先秦法家推崇以法律统一思想,提出了“以法为教”、“以吏为师”的法治教育主张。法家坚持“不法古、不循今”的历史进化观和“人性好利”的人性论,同时主张“道～君”同体说,有其先进性和片面性,其强调“以法为教”,忽视道德教育和知识教育,提倡“以吏为师”,轻视学校教育的作用,给高校思想教育的启示是,高等教育必须以德育为本,德法并治。     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.