Whole words and decoding for short-term learning: comparisons on a "talking-computer" system.

Low-and average-ability readers in first and second grade studied a list of 36 words using a "talking-computer" system. The system highlighted and simultaneously pronounced orthographic units in the words when the children touched the words with a light pen. During two training sessions, the computer presented four groups of 9 words each, one group as whole words, one in syllabic units, one in subsyllabic units, and one as single grapheme-phoneme units. All children learned the least words with single grapheme-phoneme units, having had the greatest difficulty blending the units into words during training. The other presentation units did not differ significantly from each other for most students on post-testing. However, the low first-grade readers learned fewer words segmented and presented by subsyllables than by syllable or word units, but only for multisyllabic words. Monosyllabic words were blended and learned as easily with onset-rime segmentation as with whole word units, for all children.     

The effect of Kana literacy acquisition on the speech segmentation unit used by Japanese young children

Three experiments were undertaken to investigate whether young children's segmentation units would change as they learned to read kana letters, which represent morae (subsyllabic rhythmic units). The first 2 experiments used a vocal-motor segmentation task to examine whether 4- to 6-year-olds preferred to segment spoken words containing the special syllables CVN, CVQ, or CV: into syllables or into morae. The third experiment used a target monitoring task for CVN to examine whether children's detection of the target syllable in a series of words would vary depending on the moraic constitution of the target and the moraic-syllabic status of the word initial in which the target was embedded. Results indicated that the children's conscious segmentation of words, except for those having a geminate stop consonant (CVQ), developed from being a mixture of syllable- and mora-based to being predominantly mora-based as they learned to read kana letters. The tendency toward mora-based segmentation was also found in the target monitoring task, which required segmentation at a less conscious level.     

Bodies and codas or core syllables plus appendices? Evidence for a developmental theory of subsyllabic division preference

Two experiments examining the subsyllabic division behaviors of Chinese-speaking children learning English as a foreign language (EFL) are reported. In Experiment 1, target phonemes of monosyllabic English nonwords were varied in phonotactic context (e.g., (C)VC vs. (C)CVC), marginality (e.g., (C)CVC vs. C(C)VC), and/or position (e.g., (C)VC vs. CV(C)) in phoneme deletion and isolation tasks, with confounds such as global similarity, vowel length, and targets’ sonority controlled. The fourth graders found the initial obstruent more difficult to isolate when it constituted the onset itself, i.e., (C)VC, than when it was part of a clustered onset, i.e., (C)CVC; no such difference was observed (non)word-finally, however. The results thus failed to support a subsyllabic preference for either onsets and rimes or bodies and codas. In Experiment 2, 49 second graders were tested on two other sets of phoneme awareness tasks and similar results were obtained. Items of one task were adapted from Hulme et al. (2002), in which the English-speaking first graders found the initial phoneme of a clustered onset, i.e., (C)CVC, more difficult to delete than the cluster as a whole, i.e., (CC)VC. The opposite patterns were observed with the Chinese EFL learners in Experiment 2, who found instead the initial consonant easier to remove. Taken together, the results suggested that Chinese-speaking EFL children process an English syllable as a linear combination of an intact core syllable (i.e., CV) plus its appendices. In both experiments, moreover, only performance in segmenting core syllable, but not that of segmenting appendices from the core syllable, predicted decoding success, a pattern again opposite to that of Hulme et al. (2002). The seemingly conflicting results were nevertheless consistent with a general developmental account of intra-syllabic division preference.     

Syllable splitting in literate and preliterate Hebrew speakers: onsets and rimes or bodies and codas?

This study examined consonant-vowel-consonant (CVC) syllable splitting among literate (Grade 2) and preliterate (kindergarten) Hebrew speakers. Consideration of both the architecture of Hebrew orthography and phonology led to the prediction that a body-coda rather than an onset-rime subdivision would predominate. Structured and unstructured tasks confirmed the claim that there exists a subsyllabic, supraphonemic level of phonological awareness that is more accessible than individual phonemes. However, as predicted, the syllable body rather than the rime was found to be the more accessible biphonemic unit. Moreover, this preference did not appear to be solely the product of orthographic structure; rather it was also inherent in spoken phonology. Access to single phonemes, in contrast, shifted from an early preliteracy advantage for (monophonemic) onsets to a literacy-based preference for codas.     

Sonority constraints on onset-rime cohesion: evidence from native and bilingual Filipino readers of English

Research in English suggests that syllables can be analyzed in terms of two subunits-the onset (defined as the initial consonant or consonant cluster) and the rime (the unit formed by the vowel and following consonant/s). This study investigated whether nonnative readers of English, which in the case of the present study were native Filipino speakers, also make use of onset-rime units, particularly when some features of their native language (namely infixation and reduplication) appear to foster no awareness of such units. In two lexical decision experiments, monosyllabic English words were presented, divided in between their first and second consonants (e.g., B LIND), at their onset-rime boundary (e.g., BL IND), or at their antibody boundary (e.g., BLI ND). Results indicated that the processes of infixation and reduplication did not affect the English word processing of native Filipino speakers. Rather, results for both native Filipino and native English speakers suggest that onsets composed of an "s + consonant" sequence (e.g., STAMP) are less cohesive than onsets comprised of a stop-liquid sequence (e.g., BLIND). It was concluded that not only may sonority constraints underlie onset cohesiveness, but that such phonetic properties may also be involved in visual word recognition.     

Phonological and semantic processes influence beginning readers' ability to learn to read words

Children (4 to 6 years of age) were taught to associate printed 3- or 4-letter abbreviations, or cues, with spoken words (e.g., bfr for beaver). All but 1 of the letters in the cue corresponded to phonemes in the spoken target word. Two types of cues were constructed: phonetic cues, in which the medial letter was phonetically similar to the target word, and control cues, in which the central phoneme was phonetically dissimilar. In Experiment 1, children learned the phonetic cues better than the control cues, and learning correlated with measures of phonological skill and knowledge of the meanings of the words taught. In Experiment 2, the target words differed on a semantic variable-imageability-and learning was influenced by both the phonetic properties of the cue and the imageability of the words used.     

Implicit word activation during prerecognition processing: False recognition and remember/know judgments

Recognition memory for spoken words is influenced by phonetic resemblance between test words and items presented during study. Presentation of derived nonwords (e.g., /d/ransparent or transparen/d/) on a study list produces a higher than normal false recognition rate to base words (e.g., transparent). Test words that share beginning phonemes with studied nonwords have more false recognitions than do those that share ending phonemes. The latter difference has been attributed to familiarity resulting from prerecognition processing of spoken stimuli. As a listener hears/traens/, "transparent" may be activated as a potential solution. In the present experiments, we minimized contributions of postrecognition processing to this phenomenon by presenting a semantically unrelated test word (transportation) that was also expected to be activated during prerecognition stages of processing. The results indicated that false recognition was increased for words presumed to be activated only during prerecognition processing. Remember (R) and know (K) judgments revealed that the majority of studied words were R, and the majority of false recognitions were K. The lowest proportion of R judgments occurred for test words that were not activated during postrecognition processing (e.g., transportation and control words).     

Orthographic complexity and word naming in Italian: Some words are more transparent than others

Italian is a language with a transparent orthography in which printed words can be translated into the correct sequence of phonemes using a limited set of rules. The rules of letter—sound conversion are, however, simpler for some letters than for others: The pronunciations of sequences involving the lettersc andg are determined by complex (i.e., context-sensitive) rules that depend on the letters that follow them. In this article, we report two experiments in which Italian participants read aloud words containing simple or complex letter—sound conversion rules. In Experiment 1, we found that words containing complex rules were read more slowly than words containing simple, noncontextual rules. In Experiment 2, we found that the effect of rule complexity on naming speed held for low-frequency words but not high-frequency words. The results are interpreted in terms of a dual-route model in which rule complexity effects arise from sublexical procedures that are more involved in reading low-frequency words than high-frequency words. The experimental material used in this study may be downloaded from www.psychonomic.org/archive.     

Visual detection of multi-letter patterns

This study addressed two basic questions about the detection of multi-letter patterns: (a) How is the detection of a multi-letter pattern related to the detection of its individual components? (b) How is the detection of a sequence of letters influenced by the observer's familiarity with that sequence? In three experiments observers searched for one-, two-, or three letter patterns embedded in a rapid series of multiple six-letter frames. In Experiment 1, unfamiliar two-letter patterns were detected more accurately than their one-letter components. This two-letter advantage reflects the fact that in an array of fixed size, larger target stimuli contain more information and are easier to discriminate from nontarget alternatives. Quantitative analyses indicated that observers combine information not decisions, about the component letters in a pattern. In Experiment 2, with statistical and physical properties equated, a familiar three-letter pattern (i.e., CAT) was detected more accurately than its unfamiliar anagram (i.e., TCA). This word advantage in word (not letter) detection persisted even after extensive practice and was uninfluenced by the lexical character of distractor items. In Experiment 3, words (e.g., FIB), pronounceable non words (e.g., FIF(, and familiar acronyms (e.g., FBI) were detected more readily than unfamiliar items (e.g., IBF). Thus both orthographic knowledge and familiarity with specific sequences can facilitate perceptual processing in "word" detection.     

ACQUISITION OF BLENDING SKILLS: COMPARISONS AMONG BODY-CODA,ONSET-RIME,AND PHONEME BLENDING TASKS

Following research on phonological awareness development, this study explores children's acquisition of blending skills using three types of stimuli: body-coda, onset-rime, and phonemes. The results demonstrated that kindergarten children consistently gained proficiency for blending body-coda stimuli prior to onset-rime stimuli and phonemes. The results are interpreted to support an instructional process where blending is treated as a generalizable skill, and children work with the simplest material first. Thus, our proposition is that children be trained to blend body-codas first, then progress to more phonologically difficult blending tasks such as onset-rimes and phonemes.     

Lexically guided retuning of letter perception

Participants made visual lexical decisions to upper-case words and nonwords, and then categorized an ambiguous N-H letter continuum. The lexical decision phase included different exposure conditions: Some participants saw an ambiguous letter "?", midway between N and H, in N-biased lexical contexts (e.g., REIG?), plus words with unambiguous H (e.g., WEIGH); others saw the reverse (e.g., WEIG?, REIGN). The first group categorized more of the test continuum as N than did the second group. Control groups, who saw "?" in nonword contexts (e.g., SMIG?), plus either of the unambiguous word sets (e.g., WEIGH or REIGN), showed no such subsequent effects. Perceptual learning about ambiguous letters therefore appears to be based on lexical knowledge, just as in an analogous speech experiment (Norris, McQueen, & Cutler, 2003) which showed similar lexical influence in learning about ambiguous phonemes. We argue that lexically guided learning is an efficient general strategy available for exploitation by different specific perceptual tasks.     

Lexically guided retuning of letter perception

Participants made visual lexical decisions to upper-case words and nonwords, and then categorized an ambiguous N–H letter continuum. The lexical decision phase included different exposure conditions: Some participants saw an ambiguous letter “?”, midway between N and H, in N-biased lexical contexts (e.g., REIG?), plus words with unambiguous H (e.g., WEIGH); others saw the reverse (e.g., WEIG?, REIGN). The first group categorized more of the test continuum as N than did the second group. Control groups, who saw “?” in nonword contexts (e.g., SMIG?), plus either of the unambiguous word sets (e.g., WEIGH or REIGN), showed no such subsequent effects. Perceptual learning about ambiguous letters therefore appears to be based on lexical knowledge, just as in an analogous speech experiment (Norris, McQueen, & Cutler, 2003) which showed similar lexical influence in learning about ambiguous phonemes. We argue that lexically guided learning is an efficient general strategy available for exploitation by different specific perceptual tasks.     

Reconsidering the role of temporal order in spoken word recognition

Models of spoken word recognition assume that words are represented as sequences of phonemes. We evaluated this assumption by examining phonemic anadromes, words that share the same phonemes but differ in their order (e.g., sub and bus). Using the visual-world paradigm, we found that listeners show more fixations to anadromes (e.g., sub when bus is the target) than to unrelated words (well) and to words that share the same vowel but not the same set of phonemes (sun). This contrasts with the predictions of existing models and suggests that words are not defined as strict sequences of phonemes.     

Identity matching of consonant-vowel-consonant words by prereaders

Using an identity matching-to-sample procedure, normally developing prereaders who matched individual letters with high accuracy (e.g., m and s) did not show high accuracy in matching three-letter printed words that differed only in the first letter (e.g., mad and sad). Teachers and researchers should not assume that children who can discriminate individual letters can also discriminate minimally different words that contain those letters.     

Why is word recognition impaired by disorientation while the identification of single letters is not?

Past research has shown that speed of identifying single letters or digits is largely indifferent to orientation, whereas the recognition of single words or connected text is markedly disrupted by disorientation. In a series of four experiments, we attempted to reconcile these findings. The results suggest that disorientation does not impair the identification of the characters but disrupts the perception of their spatial arrangement. When spatial order information is critical for distinguishing between different stimuli, disorientation is disruptive because some rectification process is required to restore order information. Utilizing the similarity between the letter B and the number 13, we found strong effects of orientation when a stimulus was interpreted as the two-digit number 13 but not when interpreted as the single letter B. This, however, occurred only when the set of numbers to be classified included permutations of the same digits (Experiments 1 and 2). Odd-even decisions on single-digit and two-digit numbers (Experiment 3) yielded strong effects of stimulus orientation for order-dependent numbers (e.g., 32), weaker effects for order-independent numbers (e.g., 24), and none for repeated-digit (e.g., 22) or single-digit numbers. Classification time for two-letter Hebrew words evidenced strong effects of orientation for words that differed only in letter order but much weaker effects for words that had no letters in common, even when these were embedded within some words that did (Experiment 4).     

The spread of the phonological neighborhood influences spoken word recognition

In three experiments, the processing of words that had the same overall number of neighbors but varied in the spread of the neighborhood (i.e., the number of individual phonemes that could be changed to form real words) was examined. In an auditory lexical decision task, a naming task, and a same-different task, words in which changes at only two phoneme positions formed neighbors were responded to more quickly than words in which changes at all three phoneme positions formed neighbors. Additional analyses ruled out an account based on the computationally derived uniqueness points of the words. Although previous studies (e.g., Luce & Pisoni, 1998) have shown that the number of phonological neighbors influences spoken word recognition, the present results show that the nature of the relationship of the neighbors to the target word--as measured by the spread of the neighborhood--also influences spoken word recognition. The implications of this result for models of spoken word recognition are discussed.     

Sometimes spelling is easier than phonemic segmentation

Poor spellers from the Netherlands segmented and spelled the same words on different occasions. If they base their spellings on the segmentations that they produce in the segmentation task, the correlation between segmentation and spelling scores should be high, and segmentation should not be more difficult than spelling. The predicted correlation was found, but spelling proved to be easier than segmentation, particularly for postvocalic consonant-clusters. Correct spellings despite incorrect segmentation were also more frequent than would be expected on the basis of unreliability of segmentation. Ways in which writing may facilitate and improve segmentation are therefore discussed. These findings raise doubts about the validity of segmentation test and about the efficiency of teaching children to segment without using letters.     

Implicit word activation during pre-recognition processing influences correct recognition and estimates of presentation frequency

False recognition of new test words is higher for experimental lures (e.g., universal) with initial phonemes identical to studied words (e.g., university) than for control lures. A proposed mechanism to explain this phenomenon involves implicit activation of potential solution words during the brief period of uncertainty immediately following onset of a spoken study word. Two experiments examined whether the presumed pre-recognition processing during the stimulus discovery phase of spoken word identification increased familiarity of a studied word, thereby increasing correct recognitions and estimates of presentation frequency. Critical test words were presented a single time during study in Experiment 1, and their phonologically related words were presented one, two, or three times. Correct recognition and frequency estimates of targets were enhanced by multiple presentations of associates sharing initial phonemes. Experiment 2 provided a replication with five repetitions of phonological associates during study and two study presentations of critical test words. The results of these two experiments confirmed a necessary theoretical consequence of the implicit activation mechanism that has been invoked to explain the effects of phonological similarity on false recognition.     

Linguistic boundaries as predictors of the time between letters in oral and typed spellings

The authors investigated the importance of boundaries between phonemes, syllables, onsets and rimes, and morphemes in English spelling. They analyzed oral spelling data from a previous sample of 17 college students to predict time between consecutive letters (pause time) on the basis of the presence or absence of each linguistic boundary. The authors used a parallel approach to analyze pause times of 30 college students when typing individual words and when typing words in an essay. For oral and typed spellings of individual words, syllable boundaries significantly predicted pause times. Phoneme boundaries also predicted pause times in typed spellings of individual words. For typing essays, only onset-rime boundaries significantly predicted pause times. The results support the importance of syllables in the spelling of individual words. Further, the results suggest that spelling in the context of writing is a qualitatively different process than is spelling individual words by dictation.     

Object and action picture naming in English and Greek

When two orthographically similar words are displayed using rapid serial visual presentation (RSVP), the repeated letters in the second critical word (W2) are not detected, leading to a deficit in reporting this word known as repetition blindness (RB). In Turkish, letters containing diacritic markings (e.g., y, ö) are considered separate letters, yet are visually highly similar to their non-diacritic analogues (s,o). Two experiments used the phenomenon of RB to investigate whether diacritic letters are represented as more similar to their non-diacritic analogues than are two unrelated letters. In Experiment 1, substantially more RB was found for words differing in just a diacritic (i y im-isim) compared to orthographic neighbours (words differing in a visually non-similar letter, such as ilim-isim). In Experiment 2, the amount of RB for identical words (isim-isim) was comparable to words that differed by a single diacritic marking (i y im-isim). We conclude that diacritic letters are mentally represented as variants of their non-diacritic analogue. Letter / word recognition researchers may be interested in pursuing these findings using standard techniques such as backward masking and orthographic priming.