从《诗经》相关作品看诗教的内容和传统

在中国,诗教有着非常久远的历史渊源。“诗教”说法最早见于《礼记·经解》：“孔子曰：‘入其国,其教可知也。其为人也,温柔敦厚,《诗》教也……其为人也,温柔敦厚而不愚,则深于诗者也’。”作为中国最早的“诗论”,孔子其实强调了诗教的三方面的内容：其一是“思无邪”的思想熏陶传统;其二是诗教内容之“迩之事父”的孝悌传统;其三是诗教内容之“学而优则仕”的政治功用传统。     

孔子“攻乎异端”思想新论

诸家学者普遍认为《论语》所记"攻乎异端,斯害也已"章是孔子对异己之说的攻讦、抨击之语,但是这种带有浓厚文化专制色彩的释解,似乎与孔子一贯宣扬的兼蓄思想格格不入。论者在考诸《孔子家语》等古籍中子贡与孔子论议"政在异端"的记载、定州汉墓竹简《论语》"攻"作"功"字以及《论语》的文本编撰特点之后,认为此章与《为政》篇篇旨相承,所论乃是为政之事,是孔子"各因其事"的一种为政理念。     

孔子诗说辨原

<正> 《论语》虽然不是孔子本人亲作,但直接记录孔子即事言理的思想观点。因此,应是研究孔子思想的主要依据。基于这个前提本文主要依据《论语》来研究孔子的说诗。一、孔子说诗皆断章取义《论语》中涉及诗的共十七章,其中引诗句来说诗的有七章。(一)《八佾》:三家者以《雍》彻。子曰:“相维辟公,天子穆穆。奚取于三家之堂?”(二)《八佾》:子夏问曰:“巧笑倩兮,美目盼兮,素以为绚兮,何谓也?”子曰:“绘事后素。”曰:“礼后乎?”子曰:“起予者,商也!始可与言诗已矣。”     

关于“学而时习之”章的解释及其所反映的孔子精神

一、问题的提出《论语》是反映孔子思想的主要典籍,《学而》是《论语》的第一篇,“学而时习之”章又是第一篇的第一章,其在孔子思想中的重要性自然可知。因此,研究孔子和《论语》时,首先把这一章的言词语句和精神实质搞清楚是十分必要的。然而可惜的是,自古至今,很多人对这一章的解释不能令人满意。该章共有三句话,即：子曰：学而时习之,不亦说乎？有朋自远方来,不亦乐乎？人不知而不温,不亦君子乎？”目前人们根据历代多数学者的注释译成的白话一般是：孔子说：“学了后再时常（或按时）温习,不是也很高兴吗？有志同道合的人从…     

孔子论《诗》与上博简《孔子诗论》之比较

比较上海博物馆藏《孔子诗论》与《论语》等传世典籍中记载的孔子论《诗》的内容 ,可以使我们更为全面地了解孔子的《诗》学思想。以往人们认为孔子对《诗》只有使用层面上的阐发 ,今据上博简《孔子诗论》则可知孔子以“情志”论《诗》 ,对《诗》旨也有精确允当的阐释。     

略论孔子之“兴”

<正> 在孔子之前,《诗》一般是被当作历史文献和典礼、“言志”以及外交辞令等方面的教科书,自从孔子提出“兴于《诗》”(《论语·泰伯》,以下凡引《论语》只注篇名)和“《诗》可以兴”(《阳货》)以后,《诗》的文学特征才逐渐被人们所认识。因此,孔子之“兴”标志着我国古代在文学意识方面的第一次觉醒,是个值得注意的理论命题。     

孔子"轻法"的伦理辨析

孔子毕生以创建“仁学”伦理文化、丰富和发展传统周礼为己任 ,未将思考和阐发当时的法和“法制”问题作为自己主要的人生目标。政法不分的专制统治模式使他的“为政以德”主张合乎逻辑地具有“为政以法”(“为政以刑”)的特质 ,“为政以德”也合乎逻辑地含有“为法以德”的思想。从儒家伦理思想的基本特性和《论语》看 ,孔子不仅不“轻法”,而且对法和“法制”是给予充分肯定的。     

《论语》“君子有三畏”章新释

从故训材料看，从《论语》一书的语言内证看，特别是从孔子的思想性格看，《论语·季氏》篇“君子有三畏”章的诸“畏”字只能训为“敬”，训为“敬重”，而不能训为㈠惧”。即便训为“既敬且惧”或“由敬生畏”，也必然会歪曲孔子的思想。     

“思无邪”释义辨正——与晁福林先生商榷

"思无邪",从汉代至今一般误读为"思想纯正"。其实,"思无邪"在《诗经·鲁颂·駉》一诗中,"思"作句中语辞,连接"无邪"作补语,即"以车袪袪思无邪","无邪"指不偏斜,补充说明马的步子正,不偏离所驾车辆的行进方向。"思无邪,思马斯徂",写马匹"其致一也"。孔子以"思无邪"评价成百上千诗之旨归,引《诗》断章,但未失原义,以马匹的"其致一也"写"诗三百"的"其致一也",所致者王道也。     

关于孔子“诗可以兴”的理解

<正> 《论语·阳货篇》记载孔子谈诗(指《诗经》,下同)的一段话说:“小子何莫学夫诗?诗可以兴,可以观,可以群,可以怨。迩之事父,远之事君,多识于鸟兽草木之名。”又《泰伯篇》云:“兴于诗,立于礼,成于乐。”其中关于“诗可以兴”“兴于诗”的“兴”义,古今学者多有分歧。“诗可以兴”的“兴”,何晏《论语集解》引孔安国曰:“兴,引譬连类。”朱熹《四书集注》曰:“感发志气。”“兴于诗”一句的“兴”,《集解》引包咸注:“兴,起也,言修身当先学诗。”现代学者对“兴”的解释也不尽一致。郭绍虞主编《中国历代文论选·一卷本》对“诗可以兴”的“兴”义,采取朱熹的解     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

The "Natural" and the "Formal"

The paper presents an argument against a metaphysical conception of logic according to which logic spells out a specific kind of mathematical structure that is somehow inherently related to our factual reasoning. In contrast, it is argued that it is always an empirical question as to whether a given mathematical structure really does captures a principle of reasoning. (More generally, it is argued that it is not meaningful to replace an empirical investigation of a thing by an investigation of its a priori analyzable structure without paying due attention to the question of whether it really is the structure of the thing in question.) It is proposed to elucidate the situation by distinguishing two essentially different realms with which our reason must deal: the realm of the natural, constituted by the things of our empirical world, and the realm of the formal, constituted by the structures that we use as prisms to view, to make sense of, and to reconstruct the world. It is suggested that this vantage point may throw light on many foundational problems of logic.