Grammatical constraints on phonological encoding in speech production

To better understand the influence of grammatical encoding on the retrieval and encoding of phonological word-form information during speech production, we examine how grammatical class constraints influence the activation of phonological neighbors (words phonologically related to the target—e.g., MOON, TWO for target TUNE). Specifically, we compare how neighbors that share a target’s grammatical category (here, nouns) influence its planning and retrieval, assessed by picture naming latencies, and phonetic encoding, assessed by word productions in picture names, when grammatical constraints are strong (in sentence contexts) versus weak (bare naming). Within-category (noun) neighbors influenced planning time and phonetic encoding more strongly in sentence contexts. This suggests that grammatical encoding constrains phonological processing; the influence of phonological neighbors is grammatically dependent. Moreover, effects on planning times could not fully account for phonetic effects, suggesting that phonological interaction affects articulation after speech onset. These results support production theories integrating grammatical, phonological, and phonetic processes.     

Lexical competition and phonological encoding in young and older speakers

The influence of age on word retrieval was investigated with a speeded picture naming study. Five hundred forty-one pictures were presented to young and older adults, and the influence of name agreement and name frequency was analyzed by multiple regression. The results showed that both name agreement and name frequency are significant predictors of picture naming performance in young and older adults. The results also suggest that older adults are more strongly influenced by name agreement than are young adults. These results indicate that competition during lexical selection may be a particularly age-sensitive stage in language production.     

The minimal unit of phonological encoding: prosodic or lexical word

Wheeldon and Lahiri (Journal of Memory and Language 37 (1997) 356) used a prepared speech production task (Sternberg, S., Monsell, S., Knoll, R. L., & Wright, C. E. (1978). The latency and duration of rapid movement sequences: comparisons of speech and typewriting. In G. E. Stelmach (Ed.), Information processing in motor control and learning (pp. 117-152). New York: Academic Press; Sternberg, S., Wright, C. E., Knoll, R. L., & Monsell, S. (1980). Motor programs in rapid speech: additional evidence. In R. A. Cole (Ed.), The perception and production of fluent speech (pp. 507-534). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum) to demonstrate that the latency to articulate a sentence is a function of the number of phonological words it comprises. Latencies for the sentence [Ik zoek het] [water] 'I seek the water' were shorter than latencies for sentences like [Ik zoek] [vers] [water] 'I seek fresh water'. We extend this research by examining the prepared production of utterances containing phonological words that are less than a lexical word in length. Dutch compounds (e.g. ooglid 'eyelid') form a single morphosyntactic word and a phonological word, which in turn includes two phonological words. We compare their prepared production latencies to those syntactic phrases consisting of an adjective and a noun (e.g. oud lid 'old member') which comprise two morphosyntactic and two phonological words, and to morphologically simple words (e.g. orgel 'organ') which comprise one morphosyntactic and one phonological word. Our findings demonstrate that the effect is limited to phrasal level phonological words, suggesting that production models need to make a distinction between lexical and phrasal phonology.     

Seriality of phonological encoding in naming objects and reading their names

There is a remarkable lack of research bringing together the literatures on oral reading and speaking. As concerns phonological encoding, both models of reading and speaking assume a process of segmental spellout for words, which is followed by serial prosodification in models of speaking (e.g., Levelt, Roelofs, & Meyer, 1999). Thus, a natural place to merge models of reading and speaking would be at the level of segmental spellout. This view predicts similar seriality effects in reading and object naming. Experiment 1 showed that the seriality of encoding inside a syllable revealed in previous studies of speaking is observed for both naming objects and reading their names. Experiment 2 showed that both object naming and reading exhibit the seriality of the encoding of successive syllables previously observed for speaking. Experiment 3 showed that the seriality is also observed when object naming and reading trials are mixed rather than tested separately, as in the first two experiments. These results suggest that a serial phonological encoding mechanism is shared between naming objects and reading their names.     

Utterance format affects phonological priming in the picture-word task: implications for models of phonological encoding in speech production

Picture-word experiments investigating the production of multiword utterances with distractors that are phonologically related to words in noninitial position have yielded inconsistent results, ranging from facilitation to inhibition. A comparison of these studies is complicated by differences in detail. In parallel to the empirical inconsistencies, different theoretical accounts of phonological encoding in speech production have been provided. In the present article, the authors propose a unitary account, which can in principle account for facilitation, null effects, and inhibition. It assumes a graded activation pattern of the elements within the scope of phonological advance planning. The account is tested in an experiment varying utterance format while keeping all other aspects constant. The results are consistent with the proposed unitary account.     

Investigation of phonological encoding through speech error analyses: achievements, limitations, and alternatives.

Phonological encoding in language production can be defined as a set of processes generating utterance forms on the basis of semantic and syntactic information. Most evidence about these processes stems from analyses of sound errors. In section 1 of this paper, certain important results of these analyses are reviewed. Two prominent models of phonological encoding, which are mainly based on speech error evidence, are discussed in section 2. In section 3, limitations of speech error analyses are discussed, and it is argued that detailed and comprehensive models of phonological encoding cannot be derived solely on the basis of error analyses. As is argued in section 4, a new research strategy is required. Instead of using the properties of errors to draw inferences about the generation of correct word forms, future research should directly investigate the normal process of phonological encoding.     

英汉双语者二语口语产生中音韵编码过程的同化机制

本研究运用事件相关电位技术,结合时空微态分割分析法,考察英汉双语者二语口语产生过程中音韵编码过程的同化与顺应机制。研究中采用图词干扰即时命名任务,比较英汉双语者的汉语产生过程中音韵编码的加工单元与汉语母语者的汉语产生过程还是与英语母语者的英语产生过程的特点类似。反应时结果发现汉汉组、英汉组与英英组都出现显著的音节效应。事件相关电位的结果发现英汉双语者的汉语产生过程中出现了音素效应,与其英语产生过程的特点类似,音素效应在英语和汉语的产生过程中都出现在图画呈现后的200～250 ms之间,而汉语母语者的汉语产生过程中仅发现了音节效应,出现在250～300 ms之间。时空微态分割分析发现英汉双语者在汉语产生的音韵编码过程与英语母语者在英语产生过程所对应的脑电微态成分相同,仅在持续时间上存在显著差异;其微态成分不同于汉语母语者的汉语产生过程。上述结果表明英汉双语者汉语产生的音韵编码过程与英语作为母语时的产生过程相似,而与汉语作为母语时的产生过程不同。英汉双语者的汉语产生过程采用了母语同化机制。     

Aspects of phonological fusion.

Phonological fusion occurs when the phonemes of two different speech stimuli are combined into a new percept that is longer and linguistically more complex than either of the two inputs. For example, when PAY is presented to one ear and LAY to the other, the subject often perceives PLAY. The present article is an investigation of the conditions necessary and sufficient for fusion to occur. The rules governing phonological fusion appear to be the same for synthetic and natural speech, but synthetic stimuli fuse more readily. Fusion occurs considerably more often in dichotic stimulus presentation than in binaural presentation. The phenomenon is remarkably tolerant of differences in relative onset time between the to-be-fused stimuli and of relative differences in fundamental frequency, intensity, and vocal tract configuration. Although phonological fusion is insensitive to such nonlinguistic stimulus parameters, it is sensitive to linguistic variations at the semantic, phonemic, and acoustic levels.     

汉语言语产生的语音加工单元——基于音位的研究

言语产生的语音加工单元具有跨语言的特异性。在印欧语言中, 音位是语音加工的重要功能单元。音位指具体语言中能够区别意义的最小语音单位, 如“big”包含三个音位/b/, /i/, /g/。目前, 在汉语言语产生中, 对音位的研究较少。本项目拟采用事件相关电位技术, 对汉语言语产生中的音位加工进行探讨, 试图考察：在汉语言语产生中, 1)音位加工的心理现实性, 以及音位表征是否受第二语言、汉语拼音习得、拼音使用经验的影响?2)音位的加工机制是怎样的?具体而言, 音位加工的特异性、位置编码、组合方式、时间进程是怎样的?对这些问题的回答, 将有助于深化对汉语言语产生的认识, 为建立汉语言语产生计算模型提供基础; 为比较印欧语言与汉语在机制上的异同提供基础; 为制定汉语语音教育教学方法提供心理学依据。     

Single word production in english: the role of subsyllabic units during phonological encoding

Five experiments investigated the role of sublexical units in English single word production. L. Ferrand, J. Segui, and G. W. Humphreys (1997) reported a priming effect that was most effective when primes and targets shared the first syllable. Experiments 1A and 1B failed to replicate this effect but Experiment 1B showed that subsyllabic units play a role in speech production. This role was further explored using a picture naming task in Experiment 2. Naming latencies were shortest when the segmental overlap between prime and target (the picture name) was largest, regardless of the syllable structure of the target. Experiments 3 and 4 replicated this segmental overlap effect with different sets of words as targets. Experiment 5 showed that the magnitude of the overlap effect increased with longer prime exposure duration. The implications of these results for theories of phonological encoding in speech production are discussed.     

Experimentally induced phonological paraphasias.

A motor aphasic patient had to repeat word lists that contained, among other things, words with the sequences r - r - l and l - l - r. These sequences were often repeated as l - r - l (anticipatory distant assimilation) and r - l - r (same type, but less frequently), respectively. These assimilations violate the cross-over constraint (or relevancy condition or adjacency principle) and thus represent another instance of a flagrant contradiction between pathological and normal (natural) phonological processes.     

On the autonomy of phonological encoding: Evidence from slips of the tongue in Spanish

The present study focuses on the relationship between the processes of lexical retrieval and phonological encoding in sentence production. An analysis of spontaneous slips of the tongue in Spanish reveals that (1) there is as yet no clear evidence for a lexical bias effect on sublexical errors (segment movement and substitution), and hence for positive feedback from phonological encoding to the level of lexical representation; and (2) meaning and form appear to be largely dissociated in lexical errors, which lends support to the hypothesis that lexical retrieval proceeds in two independent stages during sentence production. These findings are discussed in the light of two alternative accounts of language production mechanisms: the interactive activation model and the structural, processing-stages model.This research has been supported by grant no. PB87-0531 from the Dirección General de Investigación Científica y Técnica, Spanish Ministry of Education. We thank Kathryn Bock, Gary Dell, and David Swinney for helpful comments and discussion.     

Lesion localization of phonological agraphia.

Phonological agraphia is a neurolinguistically specific profile of spelling impairment. It is characterized by an impairment in spelling pronounceable pseudowords ('sild') and by an impairment in spelling real words related to their familiarity, length, and often, part of speech (Shallice, 1981; Roeltgen, 1985; Bub & Chertkow, 1988). We report two cases of phonological agraphia, each with a different lesion profile. Analysis of the small number of published cases that include lesion data, plus our own cases, suggests that phonological agraphia can be produced by lesions in a wide range of perisylvian cortical regions that have in common some role in central phonological processes.     

The functional unit in phonological encoding: evidence for moraic representation in native Japanese speakers

Speech production studies have shown that the phonological form of a word is made up of phonemic segments in stress-timed languages (e.g., Dutch) and of syllables in syllable-timed languages (e.g., Chinese). To clarify the functional unit of mora-timed languages, the authors asked native Japanese speakers to perform an implicit priming task (A. S. Meyer, 1990, 1991). In Experiment 1, participants could speed up their production latencies when initial consonant and vowel (CV) of a target word were known in advance but failed to do so when the vowel was unknown. In Experiment 2, prior knowledge of the consonant and glide (Cj) produced no significant priming effect. However, in Experiment 3, significant effects were found for the consonant-vowel coupled with a nasal coda (CVN) and the consonant with a diphthong (CVV), compared with the consonant-vowel alone (CV). These results suggest that the implicit priming effects for Japanese are closely related to the CV-C and CV-V structure, called the mora. The authors discuss cross-linguistic differences in the phonological representation involved in phonological encoding, within current theories of word production.     

Rhythmic alternation and the optional complementiser in English: new evidence of phonological influence on grammatical encoding

In a recall-based spoken production experiment, native English-speaking participants' variable use of the complementiser that to introduce the sentential complement in sentences like Henry knew (that) Lucy/Louise washed the dishes was found to be related to whether that inclusion/omission resulted in an alternating sequence of stressed and unstressed syllables between the verb of the main clause and the subject of the complement clause. This finding is discussed in relation to the question of whether and how phonological encoding can influence grammatical encoding in spoken language production.     

The influence of spelling on phonological encoding in word reading, object naming, and word generation

Does the spelling of a word mandatorily constrain spoken word production, or does it do so only when spelling is relevant for the production task at hand? Damian and Bowers (2003) reported spelling effects in spoken word production in English using a prompt-response word generation task. Preparation of the response words was disrupted when the responses shared initial phonemes that differed in spelling, suggesting that spelling constrains speech production mandatorily. The present experiments, conducted in Dutch, tested for spelling effects using word production tasks in which spelling was clearly relevant (oral reading in Experiment 1) or irrelevant (object naming and word generation in Experiments 2 and 3, respectively). Response preparation was disrupted by spelling inconsistency only with the word reading, suggesting that the spelling of a word constrains spoken word production in Dutch only when it is relevant for the word production task at hand.     

Visual and phonological codes in repetition blindness.

Repetition blindness (RB) is the inability to detect or recall a repeated word in rapid serial visual presentation. The role of visual versus phonological (name) similarity in RB was examined. RB was found for single letters, whether printed in the same or different cases, and for single digits, whether represented verbally (nine), as arabic numerals (9), or in a mixture of the 2 formats. Hence, visual similarity is not necessary to produce RB. RB was obtained between homophonic pairs (won/one), showing that phonological similarity is sufficient to produce RB, although visual identity also contributes to RB. It is proposed that RB results when the codes used for initial registration of the targets in short-term memory are similar. This initial code may be predominantly visual or predominantly phonological.     

Orthographic vs. phonological irregularity in lexical decision

This experiment investigates whether the influence of spelling-to-sound correspondence on lexical decision may be due to the visual characteristics of irregular words rather than to irregularities in their phonological correspondence. Lexical decision times to three types of word were measured: words with both irregular orthography and spelling-to-sound correspondence (e.g., GHOUL, CHAOS), words with regular orthography but irregular spelling-to-sound correspondence (e.g., GROSS, LEVER), and words regular in both respects (e.g., SHACK, PLUG). Items were presented in upper- and lowercase in order to examine the influence of “word shape” on any irregularity effects obtained. The results showed that irregular words with regular orthographies were identified more slowly than regular words in both upper- and lowercase. Words that are both orthographically and phonologically irregular were identified much more slowly with lowercase presentation. However, with uppercase, the lexical decision time for these items did not differ significantly from those of regular words. These data indicate that previous demonstrations of the regularity effect in lexical decision were not due to the unusual visual characteristics of some of the words sampled. In addition, the data emphasize the role of word shape in word recognition and also suggest that words with unique orthographies may be processed differently from those whose orthography is similar to other words.     

Reification of phonological storage

We question the arguments and data presented by Larsen and Baddeley (this issue 2003) in support of the phonological loop account of verbal short-term memory on a number of grounds. These include the correlation between effect size and the presence of a phonological similarity effect in the data, and the existence elsewhere in the literature of effects of articulatory suppression and interference between verbal and nonverbal information that undermines the phonological loop account. We question the idea that short-term memory phenomena are best conceived of in terms of phonological storage, and we sketch an alternative perspective that does not rely on the notion of a bespoke phonological store, an entity that we argue represents a reification.