Agency without autonomy: valuational agency

National minority women's defense of non-liberal minority cultures that encompass sexist customs and rules has greatly perplexed liberal theorists. Many attempted to resolve this puzzle by attributing constrained agency to such women and dismissing their defense as unreasonable. This article argues that this liberal assessment of minority women's position is philosophically indefensible and that the failure of mainstream liberalism to make sense of these women's response indicates not that these women's agency is compromised but rather that the liberal conception of agency as autonomy has limits in its cross-cultural applicability. An alternative conception of agency, valuational agency, that illuminates minority women's agency is proposed as a more plausible alternative for radically pluralistic societies.     

Piety among Tablīghī women

Islamic piety in Muslim women has been on the rise in the last three decades around the world. Much of it involves formerly nominal Muslim women becoming observant of Islamic rules, rituals and practices and taking their faith seriously. For these women, it is a journey of spiritual elevation. It is a new endeavour of Islamic awakening and self discovery. All this is occurring in an era characterized by a modernity which claims, among other things, that religion is the basis for women’s oppression in society. Thus, western and western-educated scholars and feminist theorists have argued for the “unveiling” of Muslim women as part of the process of weakening the hold of Islam and allowing women to become free thinking, liberal and independent. This article is an attempt to explore the continuous growth of Islamic piety in Muslim women around the world. Using the Tablīgh Jamā‘at in Australia as a case study, the article seeks to understand the role of Islamic piety in Muslim women. The article argues that Islamic piety in Muslim women is an attempt by Muslim women to find a religious response to modernity.     

Woman‐Hating: On Misogyny,Sexism, and Hate Speech

Hate speech is one of the most important conceptual categories in anti‐oppression politics today; a great deal of energy and political will is devoted to identifying, characterizing, contesting, and (sometimes) penalizing hate speech. However, despite the increasing inclusion of gender identity as a socially salient trait, antipatriarchal politics has largely been absent within this body of scholarship. Figuring out how to properly situate patriarchy‐enforcing speech within the category of hate speech is therefore an important politico‐philosophical project. My aim in this article is twofold: first, I argue that sexist speech, though oppressive, is not hate speech. Second, I argue that misogynistic speech is hate speech, even when it is intradivisional (that is, when it targets only subsets of women). This is important because recognizing that the concept hate speech applies to certain forms of patriarchy‐enforcing speech is another step in clarifying what is wrong with the practice, and how bad it is in relation to other abuses. Consequently, this article provides a more nuanced account of the kinds of expressions that can and should count as instances of hate speech.     

Feminism and Sex Trafficking: Rethinking Some Aspects of Autonomy and Paternalism

This paper argues that potential cases of oppression, such as sex trafficking, can sometimes comprise autonomous choices by the trafficked individuals. This issue still divides radical from liberal feminists, with the former wanting to ‘rescue’ the ‘victims’ and the latter insisting that there might be good reasons for ‘hiding from the rescuers.’ This article presents new arguments for the liberal approach and raises two demands: first, help organizations should be run by affected women and be open-minded about whether or not the trafficked individuals should remain in the sex industry. Second, the career choices of trafficked individuals should be expanded by the introduction of an opportunity-extending right to asylum.     

Self‐legislation,Respect and the Reconciliation of Minority Claims

It is a widely supported claim that liberal democratic institutions should treat citizens with equal respect. I neither dispute nor champion this claim, but investigate how it could be fulfilled. I do this by asking, as a sort of litmus test, how liberal democratic institutions should treat with respect citizens holding minority convictions, and thereby dissenting from a deliberative output. The first step of my argument consists in clarifying the sense in which liberal democracies have a primary concern for the respectful treatment of citizens qua self‐legislating persons. Taking the second step, I address critically the common tendency in the literature to concentrate on what I have termed the ex ante legem phase, focusing solely on the structure of institutionalized decision‐making processes. I submit, rather, that the principle of equal respect for persons demands more of liberal democratic institutions to enhance citizens' chances to give voice to their consciences and influence, on that ground, the formulation of the rules to which they should conform. Fulfilling this commitment requires democratic theorizing to go beyond the ex ante legem phase and regard forms of ex post legem contestation as an extension of citizens' right to political participation. Against this backdrop, I take the third and last step and argue that a promising way forward consists in the adoption of an ex post legem version of conscientious exemptionism, granting citizens a conditional moral right to request exemptions on the grounds of conscience from certain controversial legal and political provisions.     

Gender and narrative in the Mahabharata

The public recognition of collectivities has been a difficult concept to embed in Western liberal states. Recognition is a complex and contested process, with minority rights proving particularly problematic. A commitment to recognising diversity within society that goes beyond the tokenistic ‘food and dance’ events must somehow be incorporated into the identity of a multicultural state. Yet, should this automatically mean the conferment of minority rights? If so, which rights? which groups? who decides and where does it end? Drawing on examples from Europe and Canada, this paper shall consider the issue of minority rights and integration, seeking to highlight some of the more important debates surrounding this issue including the importance of minority rights and recognition, their contested nature and the ability of such right to promote integration, or otherwise.     

Keeping Out Extremists: Refugees,Would-Be Immigrants,and Ideological Exclusion

Many people want to live in liberal democracies because they are liberal and democratic. Yet it would be mistaken, indeed naïve, to assume that this applies to all would-be residents. Just as some inhabitants of liberal democracies oppose one or more fundamental liberal-democratic values and principles (e.g. the rule of law, freedoms of conscience and speech, rights to private property and to political participation), so there are foreign would-be residents who do so, who might include individuals with e.g. Jihadist, Neo-Nazi, and radical anarchist views. Proceeding on the assumption that there exists no unconditional moral right to immigrate, this article asks whether it is ever morally permissible for liberal democracies to deny residence to nonnationals based on evidence that they personally hold extremist views. I argue that this is sometimes the case. Specifically, my contention is that even if we adopt a cosmopolitan perspective on which states are not allowed to prioritise the interests of their own citizens and residents over those of foreign nonresidents, there are two conditions under which such exclusions are justified even when refugees are being refused admission (although, as I suggest, states might be morally required in such cases to admit other refugees instead).     

DEMOCRACY IN DECENT NONLIBERAL NATIONS: A DEFENSE

相似文献   

Nulla Proportio in Concordantia: Catholic Political Theology and the Mystery of Consensus

The main question in this article is whether there is room for a genuine Catholic political theology in a contemporary liberal society. Catholic political theology faces the dilemma that it is either opposed to the autonomy of the political sphere as it has been given shape in liberal society by its totality claim, or that it is not, and thereby loses its plausibility as it does in the case of Catholic Social Teaching. The authors of this article assume that there is a way out of the dilemma, namely by applying the fundamental theological concept of ‘locus theologicus’ to political theology. By viewing the political as a locus theologicus, the question arises: Which political aspects of the theological tradition could qualify as having a critical function in modern liberal society? The proposal in this article is to consider Nicholas of Cusa’s theory of finding consensus. Cusa developed this theory during and in response to the Council of Basel (1431-1449) in his book De concordantia catholica. The experience of consensus is viewed in this text as an apophatic confirmation of God in the performance of political authority. The way in which Cusa develops the idea of consensus is in sharp contrast with modern liberal thinkers such as John Rawls. Cusa’s theory shares a resemblance with those of modern critics of consensus such as Chantal Mouffe and Jacques Rancière. While these authors do not formulate their criticism theologically, once brought into conversation with Cusa, one can find opportunities of seeing the mystery of consensus as a theological critique.     

Science, Democracy, and the Right to Research

Debates over the politicization of science have led some to claim that scientists have or should have a “right to research.” This article examines the political meaning and implications of the right to research with respect to different historical conceptions of rights. The more common “liberal” view sees rights as protections against social and political interference. The “republican” view, in contrast, conceives rights as claims to civic membership. Building on the republican view of rights, this article conceives the right to research as embedding science more firmly and explicitly within society, rather than sheltering science from society. From this perspective, all citizens should enjoy a general right to free inquiry, but this right to inquiry does not necessarily encompass all scientific research. Because rights are most reliably protected when embedded within democratic culture and institutions, claims for a right to research should be considered in light of how the research in question contributes to democracy. By putting both research and rights in a social context, this article shows that the claim for a right to research is best understood, not as a guarantee for public support of science, but as a way to initiate public deliberation and debate about which sorts of inquiry deserve public support.     

Sincerity Silencing

Catharine MacKinnon claims that pornography silences women in a way that violates the right to free speech. This claim is, of course, controversial, but if it is correct, then the very free speech reasons for protecting pornography appear also to afford reason to restrict it. For this reason, it has gained considerable attention. The philosophical literature thus far focuses on a type of silencing identified and analyzed by Jennifer Hornsby and Rae Langton (H&L). This article identifies, analyzes, and argues for the importance of a different type of silencing. As we shall see, there are compelling reasons in favor of regarding H&L silencing as a free speech violation and, as I argue here, the same can be said for sincerity silencing. Although additional work needs to be done to show that either one actually is a free speech violation, I demonstrate here that both types of silencing equally warrant this further attention. Moreover, I show that sincerity silencing is a fairly widespread phenomenon; so, therefore, is the harm it constitutes. As a result of these considerations, then, we can safely conclude that sincerity silencing also requires our attention.     

Being female in the eighties and nineties: Conflicts between new opportunities and traditional expectations among white,middle class,heterosexual college women

The eighties and nineties would appear to be an ideal time for a young woman to come of age in American society. Legal barriers to opportunity have been virtually eliminated, and attitudes toward women seem to reflect greater cultural appreciation of their abilities and needs. However, there are indications that females are presented with conflicting images which nurture new career-related expectations while simultaneously stressing traditional expressions of femininity, especially marriage and motherhood. The research in this article explores the dynamics of conflicting demands on young women through a survey conducted at a small liberal arts college with students who are predominantly white and heterosexual, from middle and upper income families. (Only three percent of the students are from minority backgrounds.) Issues explored involve spousal obligations, salary differentials, marriage-career aspirations, responsibilities toward young children, and perceived degree of liberalism-conservatism pertaining to the place of women in society. The article concludes with a focus on the dilemma posed by new opportunities through structural change and the coexistence of cultural lag in the form of traditional norms of femininity.     

Devouring and Asphyxia: Symptoms of a Cultural Complex in Present Times1

The article discusses dominance and oppression in society due to cultural complexes filled with collective memories of destructiveness and perpetration, implicit memories which have remained repressed. Individual personal complexes and traumas are intertwined with traumatizing historical circumstances, setting up pairs of perpetrator and victim. The metaphors of devouring and asphyxiation are used to denote interpersonal and group relationships in which feelings of imprisonment, suffocating anxiety and expulsion are predominant, all of which leads to painful projections and introjections, dissociation and suffering. Asphyxiating death symbolizes not only environmental devastation by fire, the pandemic and the plague, but is also seen as a symptom of acute anxiety in modern times. Devouring stands for the annulment of the objectified Other in a patriarchal society best revealed in fratricidal struggles, the oppression of women and, ultimately, wars.     

Teasing ‘Islam’: ‘Islam’ as the Other Side of ‘Tolerance’ in Contemporary Dutch Politics

This article deals with the role of ‘Islam’ in contemporary Dutch political discourses on tolerance. I will show how Islam is described as an ideology (and not as a religion) competing with liberal values. I argue that political disputes are not at all about Islam as a living religion, but about ‘Islam’ as a culturally presumed menace to, or negative projection of, dominant Dutch imaginaries, such as tolerance and free speech, that are taken as elementary conditions for a liberal democratic state. The first part of this article deals with the staging and development of ‘Islam’ in Dutch politics since the 1970s. Part two develops a theoretical understanding of the framing of ‘Islam’ as the opponent of ‘tolerance’ and argues that this position shows a typical modern stance.     

Groups and Oppression

Oppression is a form of injustice that occurs when one social group is subordinated while another is privileged, and oppression is maintained by a variety of different mechanisms including social norms, stereotypes, and institutional rules. A key feature of oppression is that it is perpetrated by and affects social groups. In this article I show that because of the central role that groups play in theories of oppression, those theories face significant, and heretofore mostly unrecognized, metaphysical problems. I then identify resources from analytic metaphysics that can be used to address these problems. I show that, although we should not be pessimistic about the prospects for a viable theory of oppression, it will take serious metaphysical work to develop a plausible ontology of oppression, and existing theories have for the most part failed to respond to this challenge.     

God and free speech: A quaker perspective on the Satanic Verses controversy

This paper offers a Quaker perspective on the issues raised for British society by the Satanic Verses controversy. It is argued that the Quaker rejection of coercive power is founded upon the story of Jesus Christ. The origins of Quaker attitudes to free speech are located in seventeenth‐century Puritanism, arguing that Quakers share with Western secular defenders of free speech an internalization of the blasphemy taboo which issues in intolerance of anything held sacred. Furthermore, free speech rhetoric tends to ignore the power relations which sustain free speech in particular contexts. This is a neglect which, coupled with a secularized theory of race relations that ignores religious factors, renders its protagonists incapable of addressing anti‐Islamic prejudice, a phenomenon illustrated from press coverage of the controversy. The implications of this argument for British society and Quakers in particular are then considered. It is argued that an extension of legislation covering incitement to racial hatred to religion is the most appropriate legal response, but the greatest need is educational. Quakers and other Christian groups need to develop their own theological response to avoid passively replicating the dominant view in society.     

Christian Lobbyist Groups and the Negotiation of Sexual Rights in the UK

Although sexual minority rights have not necessarily generated polarised views within Christian churches and organisations, the subject has tended to forge an arena of contestation between liberal and conservative constituencies. Theological differences have frequently been manifested through the mobilisation of ‘cause’ groups lobbying the political realm and public opinion in order to advance their contrasting standpoints. Based on a survey of documentation and supplementary materials produced for public consumption, this article considers responses of the conflicting rights petitions of Christian cadres either endorsing or opposing minority sexual rights and the relevant legislative enactments in the UK. The article seeks to illuminate how these competing constituencies further their causes while at the same time devaluing the rights claims of their adversaries.     

Women on the Ropes

Although the ropes course has been used for many "special populations" it can be used as a powerful tool for learning and increasing self-awareness and esteem for many women in our society. Sexism and oppression of women create internal and external fears and mistrust. Leadership development is stifled in some women while others feel the pressure of having to lead. The all-women's ropes course experience presents an opportunity forwomen to explore these fears, build trust in themselves and others, and try out their leaderhsip skills within a safe and supportive environment. Women gain a new sense of possibility through the experience of seeing other women do what society says we should not be doing.