Presidential Scandal and Leadership: A Natural Laboratory Test of the Resiliency of President Clinton's Transformational Leadership During the Impeachment Crisis1

This study examined transformational and charismatic leadership assessments of President Clinton over 4 time periods beginning with his second term, continuing through the scandal of the Monica Lewinsky case and impeachment trial, and ending after he was acquitted. Our findings indicate that as the scandal unfolded, in general his leadership ratings declined among Democrats, Republicans, and “Others” (including Independents). However, his ratings did not decline at the same rate among all groups. They appeared to decline much more steeply with Republicans than with the other 2 groups. We discuss the differences in rates of decline among different factors of transformational leadership and the implications of the study for future research.     

Anger and advancement versus sadness and subjugation: the effect of negative emotion expressions on social status conferral

Four studies examined status conferral (decisions about who should be granted status). The studies show that people confer more status to targets who express anger than to targets who express sadness. In the 1st study, participants supported President Clinton more when they viewed him expressing anger about the Monica Lewinsky scandal than when they saw him expressing sadness about the scandal. This effect was replicated with an unknown politician in Study 2. The 3rd study showed that status conferral in a company was correlated with peers' ratings of the workers' anger. In the final study, participants assigned a higher status position and a higher salary to a job candidate who described himself as angry as opposed to sad. Furthermore, Studies 2-4 showed that anger expressions created the impression that the expresser was competent and that these perceptions mediated the relationship between emotional expressions and status conferral.     

Diversity and deliberation: bioethics commissions and moral reasoning

This article considers the sort of diversity in perspective appropriate for a presidential commission on bioethics, and by implication, high-level governmental commissions on ethics more generally. It takes as its point of comparison the respective reports on human cloning produced by the National Bioethics Advisory Commission, appointed by President Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush's President's Council on Bioethics, under the leadership of its original chair, Leon Kass. I argue that the Clinton Commission Report exemplifies forensic diversity (the type of diversity between contesting parties in a legal case), while the Kass Council Report exemplifies academic diversity (the diversity found in a medieval disputatio). Drawing upon Thomas Aquinas, I argue that the type of diversity most appropriate for such advisory bodies is deliberative diversity, which facilitates the President's process of taking counsel. After considering their respective charges, I suggest that neither the Clinton Commission nor the Kass Council possessed an adequate degree of deliberative diversity for their respective tasks.     

Mass Response to the Lewinsky Scandal: Motivated Reasoning or BayesianUpdating?

This study attempts to account for the vastly different trajectories taken by mass andelite opinion in the wake of the Lewinsky affair. Data from a panel study, collected before andjust after the scandal broke, suggest that Clinton's prior popularity indelibly colored massresponse to the scandal, thereby constraining citizens' reactions. As would be predicted bytheories of "motivated reasoning," the influence of various considerations (like thecredibility and importance of the allegations) on reactions to the scandal was conditional uponprior affect for the president. Such findings are difficult to accommodate within the more rational"Bayesian updating" perspective. These data shed light on mass response to theLewinsky scandal in particular and citizen reaction to presidential behavior more generally, aswell as on the cognitive mechanisms that facilitate motivated reasoning in candidate evaluation.     

“Typical Clinton: Brazen It Out”

Ten excerpts of both President Clinton's Grand Jury Testimony of August 17, 1998 and of each of two interviews with Hillary Rodham Clinton (Today Show, January 27, 1998; Good Morning America, January 28, 1998) were analyzed. In all of them, the topic under discussion was the President's insistence on his innocence in the Lewinsky case. Comparisons between the President and First Lady revealed long and short within-speaker pauses, respectively. His replies to questions average more than twice the length of hers. Comparisons were also made with other speech genres, including modern presidential inaugural rhetoric. In particular, President Clinton's statement of his innocence at the conclusion of an educational press conference on January 26, 1998 and his prepared statement at the beginning of his Grand Jury Testimony were found to vary notably from all the other corpora. Both are characterized by several of Ekman's (1985, p. 286) behavioral cues for the detection of deception.     

The Relationship Between Political Preference and Judgments of President Clinton's Integrity Depends on Cognitive Complexity1

Participants who varied in cognitive complexity and political preference for President Clinton read a brief news account of an episode in which the President was said to have altered his behavior when he realized it was public. They then evaluated him. In 2 studies, participants low in cognitive complexity and positively disposed toward President Clinton rated his integrity as higher, whereas those negatively disposed gave him lower ratings. Participants higher in cognitive complexity, regardless of their political preference, made more moderate judgments of his integrity. This pattern was not observed for ratings of Clinton's sensitivity, social skillfulness, or work ethic. The role of cognitive complexity in integrating seemingly inconsistent behavior is discussed.     

Haptics of the heart: The sense of touch in American religion and culture

This essay undertakes a tactile exploration of the sense of touch in contemporary American culture and religion. After briefly recalling the denigration of tactility in Western thought, I consider the usefulness of the work of two theorists, Emmanuel Levinas and Walter Benjamin, in recovering the sense of touch—the intimate caress, the violent shock—as deep background for tracking basic modes of religious tactility. By paying attention to sensory media and metaphors, I hope to suggest some features of religious tactility that are not necessarily seen or heard but nevertheless pervade contemporary religion and culture. Schematically, I proceed from cutaneous binding and burning, through kinaesthetic moving, to haptic handling in order to enter this field of tactile meaning and power. Along the way, I touch on specific cases of religious tactility—sometimes caressing, more often striking—that include US President Bill Clinton, firewalking, flag burning, alien abduction, global capitalism, and cellular microbiology. Although this exploratory essay replicates a tactile experience by renouncing visual mapping and verbal argumentation, it points to the presence of a tactile politics of perception that operates at the intersections between human subjectivity and the social collectivity.     

THE ROLE OF THE PRESS IN DETERMINING VOTER REACTIONS TO PRESIDENTIAL PRIMARIES1

A conceptual scheme has been presented to examine media influence during the presidential primary season. The scheme, a byproduct of research on the role of the press in setting the public issue agenda, allows for an examination of media effects on what has been labeled the cognitive components of candidate image. Data from a longitudinal study conducted in upstate New York in the spring of 1976 are used to empirically test the conceptual framework. The data are interpreted to indicate that indeed there is a great deal of flux in certain aspects of public opinion during the presidential primary season. The media are seen as partial determinants of that flux.     

Variables related to pro-choice attitudes among undergraduates

Pro-choice attitudes among undergraduates were assessed to determine the extent of anti-abortion sentiments during President Reagan's first term in office, which was marked by his support of the anti-abortion issue as well as by increased media coverage of the right-to-life movement. Self-administered questionnaires were completed by 840 participants enrolled in introductory psychology classes at a university in central Texas during the week prior to the presidential election of 1984. Students were asked if they would approve or disapprove of abortion under four different circumstances. Results indicated that the majority of both males and females were in favor of allowing abortion under all four conditions.     

Leadership Image-Building: After Clinton and Watergate

Leadership images are built collectively by leaders and their relevantconstituencies—elected officials, the news media, and the public. The process of buildingleadership image rests on prior expectations about the leader, policy outputs, the course ofevents, and the disposition of political resources. In building images of leadership, each of thethree constituencies puts more weight on some aspects of image-building than on others: Thepublic sees the president primarily in terms of his previous behavior, the media view thepresident through the lens of immediate events, and other elected officials focus on politicalresources. One of the president's most important resources is his public image. It can helphim to maintain the loyalty of other officials, which in turn contributes to balanced newscoverage, even in times of crisis. President Clinton was able to preserve his public image throughthe impeachment debacle in large part because of low public expectations about his personalmoral behavior and satisfaction with his economic leadership. Conversely, President Nixon wasforced to resign because of high public expectations about his personal probity anddisappointment with his management of the economy.     

Partisan Provocation: The Role of Partisan News Use and Emotional Responses in Political Information Sharing in Social Media

Citizens increasingly rely on social media to consume and disseminate news and information about politics, but the factors that drive political information sharing on these sites are not well understood. This study focused on how online partisan news use influences political information sharing in part because of the distinct negative emotions it arouses in its audience. Using panel survey data collected during the 2012 U.S. presidential election, we found that use of proattitudinal partisan news online is associated with increased anger, but not anxiety, directed at the opposing party's presidential candidate and that anger subsequently facilitated information sharing about the election on social media. The results suggest partisan media may drive online information sharing by generating anger in its audience.     

Presidential Character Revisited

This study attempts to bring a fresh perspective to the study of presidential personality. Critics of the personality approach doubt that personality really has much impact on presidential leadership, and they question whether the approach will contribute to the development of a presidential leadership theory. Critics also see problems with the conceptualization of personality variables in particular studies, such as James David Barber's much-praised, much-maligned The Presidential Character . The study proposes the use of the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) to analyze the relationship between presidential personality and presidential leadership. Administered to about 1.7 million people annually by psychologists, career counselors, and business managers, the MBTI makes possible the classification of each president as one of 16 personality types, and it offers predictions about many characteristics of leadership style for each type. The study concludes with an extensive MBTI analysis of President Clinton's leadership style.     

Parental media monitoring,prosocial violent media exposure,and adolescents' prosocial and aggressive behaviors

Prosocial violent media (e.g., media that combines both violent and prosocial content) is especially popular in entertainment media today. However, it remains unclear how parental media monitoring is associated with exposure to prosocial violent content and adolescent behavior. Accordingly, 1,193 adolescents were asked about parental media monitoring, media content exposure, and behavior. Main findings suggest that autonomy supportive restrictive monitoring was associated with lower levels of exposure to prosocial violent content, but only among older adolescents. Additionally, autonomy supportive restrictive monitoring was the only form of parental media monitoring associated with lower levels of violent content and higher levels of prosocial content, and autonomy supportive active monitoring was the only parental monitoring strategy that promoted prosocial behavior via exposure to prosocial media content. Discussion focuses on the importance of autonomy supportive parental monitoring, as well as the implications of parents encouraging their children to watch media with limited violent content—even if it is prosocial violent content.     

Metaphors that communicate weight-based stigma in political news: A case study of New Jersey Governor Chris Christie

IntroductionNews media use metaphors to describe politics (Landau & Keefer, 2014) and obesity (Barry, Brescoll, Brownell, & Schlesinger, 2009). Weight-based stigma is prevalent in U.S. news media (Heuer, McClure, & Puhl, 2011). Media coverage of politicians’ body size may contain metaphors that stigmatize weight. Metaphors reflect and shape how people think about important issues like politics or obesity (Landau, Sullivan, & Greenberg, 2009; Landau, Meier, & Keefer, 2010; Landau & Keefer, 2014).ObjectiveThis study uses stigma communication theory (Smith, 2007) to examine stigmatizing metaphors used in media coverage of a United States politician, and candidate for the 2016 Republican presidential nomination, New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, Republican.MethodWe coded n = 240 articles, from January 2011 to December 2014, that referenced Christie's weight. Considering both the articles and the comments in response to them, we identified n = 246 weight references that utilized metaphors and coded these using categories derived from the stigma communication theory framework.ResultsOur coding of these weight references, from journalists and comments posted by the public, demonstrated that metaphors accomplish all four functions of stigma communication: they mark, label, assign personal responsibility, and link to peril the stigmatized person.ConclusionOur findings demonstrate not only that news media use metaphors to describe a politician's weight, but also show how these metaphors — alone and together — function to constitute stigma communication messages. These messages can affect public opinions toward politics and obesity.     

The Belief in Majority Determination of Group Decision Outcomes

We proposed and tested a linear model for predicting perceivers' beliefs about the magnitude of popular support for group decision outcomes. Experiment 1 showed that the model performed well when it predicted perceived majority support for group outcomes but poorly when it predicted a belief in minority support. Subjects, in other words, displayed a clear bias toward perceiving group decision outcomes as having been determined by the majority of group members. In Experiment 2, subjects were asked shortly after the November 1992 presidential election to indicate the percentage of the popular vote received on election day by Bill Clinton, George Bush, and Ross Perot. The results showed that Clinton, who actually received less than majority voter support (43%0), was perceived to have attracted majority support (51.8%). Moreover, 7 months after the election, perceived majority support for Clinton on election day grew stronger (to 56.8%) whereas perceived voter support for Bush and Perot declined. These data illustrate a pervasive belief in majority determination of group decision outcomes.     

Predicting Presidential Performance in the United States: Equation Replication on Recent Survey Results

Abstract

For more than 2 decades, researchers have tried to identify the variables that predict the overall performance of U.S. presidents. In 1986, there emerged a 6-variable prediction equation (D. K. Simonton, 1986c, 1987b) that has been replicated repeatedly. The predictors are years in office, war years, scandal, assassination, heroism in war, and intellectual brilliance. The author again replicated the equation on recent rankings of all presidents from George Washington through William Jefferson Clinton according to a survey of 719 experts (W. R. Ridings, Jr., & S. B. Mclver, 1997). The original 6-variable equation successfully predicted both the overall rankings as well as the 5 core components of the rankings (leadership qualities, accomplishment, political skill, appointments, character and integrity). The predictive value of the equation was illustrated for the presidencies of Ronald W. Reagan, George H. W. Bush, and Clinton.     

Predicting presidential performance in the United States: equation replication on recent survey results

For more than 2 decades, researchers have tried to identify the variables that predict the overall performance of U.S. presidents. In 1986, there emerged a 6-variable prediction equation (D. K. Simonton, 1986c, 1987b) that has been replicated repeatedly. The predictors are years in office, war years, scandal, assassination, heroism in war, and intellectual brilliance. The author again replicated the equation on recent rankings of all presidents from George Washington through William Jefferson Clinton according to a survey of 719 experts (W. R. Ridings, Jr., & S. B. McIver, 1997). The original 6-variable equation successfully predicted both the overall rankings as well as the 5 core components of the rankings (leadership qualities, accomplishment, political skill, appointments, character and integrity). The predictive value of the equation was illustrated for the presidencies of Ronald W. Reagan, George H. W. Bush, and Clinton.     

Playing the Woman Card: Ambivalent Sexism in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Race

Late in the 2016 U.S. Presidential primary, Donald Trump attacked Hillary Clinton for playing the “woman’s card.” Theories of system justification suggest that attitudes about gender, particularly endorsement of hostile and benevolent sexism, likely shaped reactions to this campaign attack. Using a set of two studies, we find that hostile sexists exposed to the attack showed increased support for Trump and decreased support for Clinton. Benevolent sexists, however, reacted to Trump’s statements with increased support for Clinton, consistent with benevolent sexism’s focus on protecting women (Study 1). We further found that the woman card attack produced distinct emotional reactions among those with low and high levels of hostile and benevolent sexism. The attack also increased political participation among hostile sexists (Study 2). Our results offer new insights into the role of sexism in the 2016 presidential contest and further the discipline’s understanding of the gendered dimension of negative campaigning.     

American Rabbis in the 2000 Elections

The 2000 elections were watershed elections for the Jewish community. Joseph Lieberman, an observant Orthodox Jew, was nominated to be the Democratic vice presidential candidate and the events in Florida and New York highlighted the important role of the Jewish community in American politics. The 2000 elections were, therefore, a perfect time to assess the Jewish religious community's connection to politics. Although the central place of American Jews in the Democratic coalition has been long established and continued in 2000, the role of rabbis in maintaining that connection has not been explored empirically. We investigate how rabbis of the four great Jewish movements sustain Jewish political connections, asking: How do rabbis participate in politics, how do their political agendas resonate with their political action, how did they respond to Lieberman's candidacy, and what political information did they transmit to their congregations?