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1.
Leadership images are built collectively by leaders and their relevantconstituencies—elected officials, the news media, and the public. The process of buildingleadership image rests on prior expectations about the leader, policy outputs, the course ofevents, and the disposition of political resources. In building images of leadership, each of thethree constituencies puts more weight on some aspects of image-building than on others: Thepublic sees the president primarily in terms of his previous behavior, the media view thepresident through the lens of immediate events, and other elected officials focus on politicalresources. One of the president's most important resources is his public image. It can helphim to maintain the loyalty of other officials, which in turn contributes to balanced newscoverage, even in times of crisis. President Clinton was able to preserve his public image throughthe impeachment debacle in large part because of low public expectations about his personalmoral behavior and satisfaction with his economic leadership. Conversely, President Nixon wasforced to resign because of high public expectations about his personal probity anddisappointment with his management of the economy. 相似文献
2.
Understanding and Evaluating Bureaucratic Politics: The Nexus Between Political Leaders and Advisory
Bureaucratic politics—for example, the "political" interaction between individuals and organizations in the executive branch of government—is a potentially significant force affecting the course and outcomes of governmental policymaking processes. In this article, an empirical and normative model and operationalization of bureaucratic politics is developed, treating it as a variable rather than as an immutable (and by definition problematic) property of policy decision-making. A conceptual model, linking the nature and intensity of bureaucratic politics in advisory systems to the characteristics of the political leaders served by them, is also developed. On the basis of earlier studies of presidential leadership (e.g., Preston, 1996), the leader's need for power, cognitive complexity, and prior policy experience/expertise are hypothesized to affect the organization and operation of the advisory system in terms of bureaucratic politics. Using Hermann's (1983) Personality Assessment-at-a-Distance (PAD) coding technique, theoretical assertions are illustrated in a detailed case study of two critical episodes in U.S. decision-making in the conduct of the Vietnam war in 1965 and 1968. 相似文献
3.
Leadership succession in democratic governments and political parties is an ubiquitous but relatively understudied phenomen, where the political becomes intensely personal and vice versa. This article outlines the puzzles that leadership succession poses to political analysts, reviews the literature, and offers a conceptual framework deconstructing the process in terms of a flow from succession contexts and triggers via the role choices of key participants (incumbents and aspiring successors) through to the eventual succession outcomes. It concludes by presenting a series of testable hypotheses to describe and explain leadership successions. 相似文献
4.
As persons whose careers depend upon the support of the public, politicians by definition are required to be concerned with the management of their public impressions. This research considers the impact of a politician's sex on citizens' evaluations following alleged transgressions. The study uses an experimental design to test how the sex of the politician affects the acceptability of various accounts following transgressions. The interaction of sex with the nature of the offense and the type of account offered is examined. Analysis suggests that sex, type of account, and type of transgression affect citizens' evaluations although not always in obvious or direct ways. Most significantly, the analysis shows that women are not judged more harshly than men when involved in a transgression. 相似文献
5.
Virginia A. Chanley 《Political psychology》2002,23(3):469-483
Among the most notable changes in U.S. public opinion that occurred after 11 September 2001 was a significant increase in trust in the national government. This study extends existing research on the causes of such changes in public opinion to include the post–9/11 period. The results indicate that a shift in public focus from domestic to international concerns was an important factor in the decline in cynicism that occurred after 9/11, and that public support for expending resources to address issues such as homeland security will be greater if increased trust in government can be sustained. 相似文献
6.
A growing body of work seeks to explain the lack of clear evidence for the diversionary use of force by casting doubt on such strategies' attractiveness for policy makers: while domestic political and economic problems may provide incentives for diversion, such strategies involve political and military risks that frequently outweigh these incentives. Such theories correctly identify the objective risks involved in diversion but do not account for variation in leaders' risk‐taking propensities. We develop a “first image” theory of diversion that suggests a key psychological variable (locus of control) shapes leaders' willingness to engage in risky diversionary strategies. A statistical analysis of the American use of force, 1953–2000, finds strong support for this model. We conclude that the lack of clear evidence for diversion in general is a reflection of the contingent nature of the phenomenon and call for greater attention to how agents and structures interact to produce policy behavior. 相似文献
7.
This study examines the existence of compassionate support for old-age programs such as Social Security and Medicare among the non-elderly. Past research has focused on merit and equality as a basis for support of social welfare programs by examining views of recipients' deservingness; in contrast, this study considers the extent of program support based on recipients' perceived need. Analysis of data from the 1984 National Election Study and from a local survey (Suffolk County, New York, 1989) shows that non-elderly individuals who view older people as financially impoverished are more likely to support government benefits for the aged. Moreover, compassionate support for old-age programs is distinct from liberal ideology; indeed, political conservatives, not liberals, are most likely to support such programs out of compassion for older people, a finding at odds with Sniderman's (Sniderman & Carmines, 1997) notion of principled conservatism. The analysis also revealed that response to elderly need does not convey the effects of long-term and family-based interests; this result substantiates that support of old-age programs can be considered as other-regarding (i.e., reflecting a concern for individuals that is unrelated to one's personal circumstances). Short-term and long-term interests tend to eclipse rather than promote compassionate support of old-age programs, consistent with the findings of traditional research on self-interest. 相似文献
8.
Jennifer Brundidge Scott A. Reid Sujin Choi Ashley Muddiman 《Political psychology》2014,35(6):741-755
This study examined the association between political ideology and linguistic indicators of integrative complexity and opinion leadership in U.S. political blog posts (N = 519). Using Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC) text analysis, we found that the posts of conservative bloggers were more integratively simple than those of liberal bloggers. Furthermore, in support of a proposed opinion leadership model of integrative complexity, the relationship between ideology and integrative complexity was mediated by psychological distancing (an indicator of a hierarchical communication style). These findings demonstrate an ideological divide in the extent to which the blogosphere reflects deliberative democratic ideals. 相似文献
9.
Morality is a critical factor in leadership that its absence could turn an otherwise powerful leadership model (i.e. transformational leadership) into a disastrous outcome. The importance of morality for leaders is self-evident in light of the far-reaching effects of leaders' actions or inaction on other people. Such proposition necessitates the discourse in the objectivity of universal moral principles as the legitimate basis of a sound understanding of moral leadership. Examining transformational leadership from a moral-laden perspective, this paper argues that morality is a necessary component of leadership and that deontological moral reasoning provides a sufficient ground for morally attractive leadership theories. 相似文献
10.
Edward J. Rickert 《Political psychology》1998,19(4):707-720
This study examined whether authoritarians experiencing economic threat are more likely than other authoritarians to support social policy and political agendas that restrict benefits or curtail rights for disadvantaged groups. A sample of 131 college students completed questionnaires that measured authoritarianism, degree of economic and societal insecurity, and attitudes toward eight political issues. Economic and social insecurity were indexed to perceptions of whether one's standard of livingg had declined, whether incom inequality had grown among social classes, and whether crime, race relations, environmental quality, and governmental services had worsened. The political scales reflected issues currently debated in public forums; they included funding mechanisms for social security and health care, the state's role in regulating abortion, government services for illegal immigrants, terminating welfare for unemployed women with children, and regulation of sexual conduct. A logistic model found that, relative to non-threatened authoritarians or nonauthoritarians, threatened authoritarians were six times as likely to favor restricting benefits to powerless groups and eight times as likely to support the state's preventing women from securing anabortion. These results are discussed in terms of systemic changes in the economy that have resulted in declines in real income and increasing income inequality. 相似文献
11.
在高不确定,高度竞争,高度挑战的任务情景下,领导力在团队中将扮演怎样的角色?变革型领导力与交易型领导力又是如何预测团队任务绩效的?为了回答这些问题,该研究对130名学生被试,31个团队,用ERP沙盘模拟游戏来进行模拟实验。通过高度模拟现实中企业经营的情景,从而提高实验结果的外部效度。实验结果表明,变革型领导力与交易型领导力都能够积极地预测团队任务绩效,消极领导力与任务绩效呈负相关,虽然并没有达到统计学显著水平,但研究结果的方向都支持了实验假设。 相似文献
12.
A Defining Presidential Moment: 9/11 and the Rally Effect 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Public approval ratings of George W. Bush surged after the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks. This study used a quasi–experimental, within–respondents design to investigate the relative contribution of five factors to this classic rally effect: the stimulus event itself, Bush's speech that evening, media exposure, partisan support, and gender effects. Respondents were pretested on the morning of the attacks; one group was posttested immediately after the speech, another group 41 hours later. Stability of effects was examined through an additional study of Bush's 20 September 2001 speech to a joint session of Congress. The findings indicate that Bush's 11 September speech was the critical factor in this rally effect; none of the other factors contributed significantly. 相似文献
13.
工作压力反应及其与领导方式的关系研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
本研究通过对537位工作者的调查,探讨工作压力反应的类型及其与领导方式的关系,结果显示:工作压力反应存在四种类型,分别是积极压力反应类型、高压力反应类型、低压力反应类型以及消极压力反应类型。直接领导的不同领导方式与个体不同的工作压力反应类型存在关联。混合式领导方式下的个体积极压力反应最高,消极压力反应最低。变革型领导和交易型领导下的个体积极压力反应和消极压力反应无显著差异。 相似文献
14.
创业者领导行为与企业绩效:创业企业发展阶段的调节效应 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
本文旨在探讨创业者领导行为对企业绩效的影响,着重考察了创业企业发展阶段的调节效应。通过对117家创业企业的问卷调查,结果发现:(1)创业企业发展阶段显著调节创业者转换型领导对财务、成长绩效的影响和创业者交易型领导对财务、成长和创新绩效的影响;(2)环境动态性正向调节创业者转换型领导对财务、成长和创新绩效的影响,负向调节创业者交易型领导对财务、成长绩效的影响;(3)环境动态性在创业者转换型领导影响财务、成长绩效,以及创业者交易型领导影v向财务绩效过程中的调节效应模式受到创业企业发展阶段的显著调节。 相似文献
15.
企业管理者责任领导力,作为一个刚刚兴起的研究话题,在西方已经引起广泛关注。本研究首次着眼于中国组织情境,对企业管理者责任领导力的维度结构进行了实证研究。通过两次问卷调查分别获得166个、233个有效样本,进行探索性因素与验证性因素分析,构建了包括诚信道德、社会责任意识、战略思维、沟通开放性、人性化关怀和卓越导向等六个维度的责任领导力六维结构模型,并验证了该结构模型的合理性与优越性。本研究进一步探究了企业管理者责任领导力的深刻内涵,继承与发展了中国传统领导理论,为我国责任领导力的研究开创了一个良好的开端。 相似文献
16.
Blema S. Steinberg 《Political psychology》2005,26(5):755-790
This article explores the relationship between Indira Gandhi's personality profile in the period before she became Prime Minister and her leadership style during the time she was Prime Minister. The instrument for assessing the personality profile was compiled and adapted from criteria for normal personality types and pathological variants. Gandhi emerges as a multifaceted individual with four of her personality scales—the Ambitious, the Reticent, the Contentious, and the Dominating—approaching the level of mildly dysfunctional. A psychodynamic explanation for these patterns was then offered. This study also developed an instrument for evaluating leadership styles in a cabinet system of government and postulated the theoretical links between personality patterns and leadership style profiles. Gandhi's leadership style was then examined and links between personality profile and leadership style explored: In eight of the 10 leadership categories, Indira Gandhi's leadership behavior matched our expectations for the Ambitious, Dominant, and Contentious personality profiles but not the Reticent one. Further discussion focused on the two areas in which personality patterns fell short of predicting leadership style and the possible explanations for this result. 相似文献
17.
Shira Dvir Gvirsman 《Political psychology》2015,36(6):729-747
Although widely studied, previous research of projection in the context of public opinion did not incorporate the distinction between adequate and false projection developed in the cognitive studies: Adequate projection contributes to accurate perceptions of public opinion while false projection impairs it. The analysis presented in this study includes the above distinction, building on two case studies: (1) a dataset comprised of 25 surveys conducted over a period of 10 years (N = 11,313) and (2) a panel study of the 2013 Israeli general election. Relying on the assumptions of the Bayesian model, we tested if frequent news exposure and factual political knowledge reduce false projection. We found that false projection is a highly persistent psychological tendency with little variance. Although news exposure and political knowledge did contribute to a more accurate perception of public opinion, they did not reduce false projection. Conversely, knowledge increased false projection among moderates and had no effect in this respect among proponents of a more extreme ideology. These findings align better with the motivated reasoning model than with the Bayesian model. 相似文献
18.
Political actors recognize the power of framing problems using personalized examples and causal stories to shape public opinion. Yet little is known about how these frames interact. This research presents the results of three studies designed to investigate the effect of “individualizing” the problem of childhood obesity, in combination with information about causes of obesity, on public support for obesity prevention policies (Studies 1 and 2) and to examine how frequently the news media rely on individual depictions of obese children to portray the problem in actual news coverage (Study 3). Results from two experiments consistently demonstrated that, regardless of how the cause of childhood obesity was framed, when a news report identified an individual obese child, participants were less likely to support prevention policies than when the report described the problem in more general terms. A content analysis indicated that news articles relatively infrequently frame the problem using individualized depictions of a specific child. When specific overweight or obese children were mentioned, news coverage emphasized internal (behavioral and genetic) causes rather than factors external to the child such as neighborhood, economic, or food‐industry factors. Findings underscore the importance of considering attitudes toward a policy's target population when assessing how individual depictions of a policy problem influence public sentiment. 相似文献
19.
认真性与下属工作满意感--变革型领导的中介作用 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
对85名企业管理人员的认真性特质、变革型领导风格与下属工作满意感的关系进行了研究,多元回归分析的结果表明,我国企业管理人员的认真性特质能够有效地预测下属的工作满意感,其中下属知觉的变革型领导是管理者的认真性和下属工作满意感之间关系的中介变量,而这一中介效用主要是通过变革型领导的两个子维度——领导魅力和智力激发来实现的。 相似文献
20.
Richard R. Raubolt 《Group》2003,27(2-3):65-77
Charismatic group leadership carries the potential for indoctrination and abuse when countertransference issues remain unexamined. This paper is a personal account of participation by the author in an authoritarian and confrontational supervisory experience with self-serving charismatic leadership. Group casualties are portrayed and discussed. This report applies self-psychological principles to understand the powerful merger of the compliant self and idealized object. Further, the dynamics of group identification with the aggressor are described through the Ferenczian lens of confusion of tongues. 相似文献