道德自觉意志之显现与存养——孟子思想的道德形而上解读

孟子的道德理论主要由三部分构成。首先,价值根源与道德自觉意志的显现。"四端"之"端",既为端绪又为始点,人通过对当前问题自觉之反省,觉振道德主体内在固有的自觉意志,进而肯定人的自觉意志本然具有成就德性的能力。其次,将内在道德意志畅遂发皇地推发出来。道德认识论之"应然"不必然体现于道德的实践当中,故须有自觉意志的存养之道,亦即自觉之努力,方能充分展露自觉心所含有的德性。最后,"志""气"对扬,须以"志"统"气",以德性自觉意志统括生命情意。总之,在孟子德性思想的脉络中,主体的成德进程是由价值意志内在之自觉,进而扩充以达至本体德性而最终完成的。     

孟子“不虑而知”新解与良知的实现——基于德性认识论的视角

在孟子“不虑而知者,其良知也”一说中,良知一般被视为主体道德意识或道德实践等层面的内在规定,所以通常以道德德性加以阐释,以致忽略了可能潜含的理智德性内涵。转换考察进路来看,与饱含神秘色彩的“生而知之”不同,“不虑而知”以遮诠的形式寓意了良知的认知特性,以及某种消极实现方式。在德性认识论的启发下,作为一种好的、可靠的认知结果或认知状态,良知不仅蕴含了伦理意义下主体德性品质的良善,也意味着一般意义上“心”之功能的良好。而良知所彰显的此种认知状态的达成,离不开主体相关理智德性的参与和发挥,“感”和“直觉”即为良知的两种可能实现方式。     

论《孟子》德性修养过程中的道德失败

通过对孟子德性修养过程的讨论,可以为信广来指出的孟子关于道德失败问题中存在的两点疑难给出解释:耳目之官是否为道德失败负全责,"心"又和道德失败的关系如何;名誉的追求为何一方面呈现积极的道德意义,另一方面又成为道德失败的缘由。从德性发展作为一个过程来看,一方面存在着阶段性的道德评价标准,另一方面又存在着一个最高的道德准则,这使得孟子对道德失败的问题在不同的文本中表现出截然不同的态度。通过对道德失败不同层面的分析,我们发现在《孟子》中可以解读出从社会性欲求与儒家伦理之结合的德性发展维度。在这一维度中"他人的认同"和"好名"比起感官欲望的追求来说,有着更高的道德价值。虽然"好名"比起最终的道德动机之纯粹是一种道德失败,但是在能够放弃物质欲求而实践儒家伦理方面又有着积极的意义。在道德失败问题上,"好名"所象征的人的社会性一面可能在整个德性养成中成为一个重要的中介环节。在德性修养的实践层面上,这样一种对人的社会性发展过程的肯定也可能为从"四端"到"四德"逻辑上推类和情感上扩充所不能解决的德性发展的问题提供新的解决思路。     

孟子视野中道德信仰的生成逻辑与建立机制

战国时期,既有规范及其精神基础崩解,孟子在孔子"仁学"基础上建立了以仁为本的道德体系,主张普及道德信仰以维护社会秩序。在孟子视界中,道德信仰的生成逻辑体现在道德形而上学的建构中,"尽心知性以知天"规定了道德信仰是理性生命活动的重要内容。孟子又赋予道德信仰形而下的意义,主张社会人伦提供了培育道德信仰的具体情境,要求行为主体以践行人伦规范的方式来显现道德信仰与道德情感,从而有效调整社会运行秩序。孟子仁政说强化统治者在推行道德信仰中的功能,期望国家权力给建立道德信仰以制度上的保障。     

养气、知言与赞美孔子——《孟子》“知言养气”章新解

中国古代的气可分为物质之气与精神之气,后者又包括血气、情气和德气。血气主要针对人的生理欲望而言;情气指人的自然情感活动,如“喜怒哀悲之气”;德气则指人的道德情感活动,如仁气、义气等。孟子的浩然之气不是来自血气、情气,不是对血气、情气的理性升华,而是来自仁义之气,是“集义所生”。孟子的“夜气”“平旦之气”均是指德气而言。孟子自称可以做到知言,可以辨别言辞的错误所在,但没有提出一套分析错误言辞的理论方法。出现这种情况,主要因为孟子过分重视良知、良能,强调心的直觉能力,在一定程度上忽略了经验认知的作用。辨别错误言辞不能仅仅靠良知、良能,还要靠经验观察、逻辑分析,而这恰恰是孟子所缺乏的。孟子高度肯定、赞美孔子,实际是通过孔子寄寓自己的政治理想,视孔子为自下而上用文化、道德影响政治的新王,在得君行道之外,探寻一条觉民行道,甚至为君行道的道路,故“自生民以来,未有盛于孔子也”。     

卢梭论德性与善良

本文沿着卢梭有关"自然善良"与"道德德性"之间差异的线索来考察卢梭的作品。在卢梭笔下,"自然善良"与"道德德性"具有特定的内涵,不能混淆,同时也存在"自然德性"这一包含力量元素但却仅涉及个体自身福祉的品质。在此基础上,卢梭有关神与人的观点能够得到进一步的揭示。在他看来,信仰乃是道德德性不可或缺的支撑,实际上正是自尊心构建了德性与信仰之间的联系;而完美的存在是善良的,但却并非有德性的。在《一个孤独散步者的梦》、《爱弥儿》等作品中都可以看到,人类在没有道德德性的情况下是有可能拥有神一般自足的神圣善良的。因此,在卢梭那里,善良将比德性更为优越。     

孟子德性论的思维理路与儒家哲学认识和把握世界的基本方式

从性、天统一的德性论,到“德教”、“成德”的德性生成论,再到以德行仁的仁政学说,呈现出了孟子道德形上学的基本理路和环节。这一思维理路反映了中国哲学、尤其是儒家哲学认识和把握世界的基本方式。     

科技对道德:促退还是促进

科技进步会对道德产生什么影响？“促退论”认为必然导致道德退步，“促进论”则认为会推动道德进步。可经考察发现，这两种观点所说的“道德进步”与“道德退步”，并不是在同一层意义上的所指。如果道德进步是指人心改善，德性提升，而道德退步是指人心堕落，德性败坏，那么，科技对道德就既无促进作用，也无促退作用，只呈中性意义。     

历史危机、人生信念与实践抉择——儒家性善论的发生学分析

性善论是儒家人伦文明的精神标志,但它既不是一种理论逻辑的推论,也不仅仅是一种抽象的思想主张或所谓应然追求。从发生学的角度看,它是殷周以来中国轴心时代的思想家之继起探索与人文追求的一种历史结晶。在这一过程中,首先是周公的"以德配天"并以制礼作乐的方式完成对殷商以来传统天命观的人伦落实,使中国文化彻底告别了外在信仰的形态,走上了以人伦文明落实天命信仰的道路。继起的孔子,又以个体之士的身份深叩礼乐之源,通过视听言动之内在性统一,将德性文化与礼乐文明凝结为一种君子人格及其人生信仰。到了子思与孟子,则一方面以"天命谓之性"明确肯定了人性的天命根源,同时又通过实践生活中的"大体"与"小体"之辨,将"天之所予"的道德善性直接落实于君子的日用常行之中,从而完成了对儒家人伦文明的一种信仰凝结与精神奠基。     

超越善恶:人生而静,天之性也——《乐记》被遮蔽的人性论突破

"人生而静,天之性也",《乐记》这一人性论对宋明理学产生了深刻的影响,但因着宋明理学的影响之深之大,它的真实内容和意义却被长期遮蔽。以超越善恶的动静论人性,既克服了孟子以降内省或内原式的道德成长路径的虚玄,而转向内得真实确定的礼乐而建立起德性成长的客观之途;也从起点上摆脱了《荀子》人性之恶带来的理论逻辑困境,使人在礼乐的陶治和对天理的追求中,德性成长成为可能。这一人性论也为在"清静澄明"中知识与德性的成长,相得益彰,分任殊途,提供了强有力的支持。这就跳出了宋明及至现代新儒学心性论中"尊德性"与"道问学"的纠缠,将知识从后世一直被德性的捆绑与束缚中解放自由出来。     

王廷相道寓于“六经”的思想

王廷相提出道寓于“六经”的思想,以“六经”为载道之文,强调求道于“六经”,而不讲“四书”;并尊孔非孟,批评宋儒之学。以维护孔子及“六经”的权威来降低孟子、朱熹及“四书”的权威和重要性,修正朱学的流弊,这在经学史和理学史上均具有重要意义,体现了王延相经学与理学思想的独特性。     

An Elder Sitting by the Fire: My Path to Jung

The author describes the importance of his mentors, his heritage, and early life in Johannesburg, South Africa and the effect that those formative years in a mining community (fueled by migrant labor) had on his embryonic psyche. Attending an Anglican school, he discovered the power of Christianity as a 10-year-old, holding vigil at night “over the body of Christ.” However, his first objective relationship with the psyche, the unconscious, occurred during the Second World War in the desert of Egypt before embarkation for Italy, with a second event occurring shortly after his return to South Africa, where he had been forced by circumstance to seek employment back on the mines. He explores how, despite the vicious and cruel apartheid policy above ground, all men were genuine brothers at the rock face; how the migrant labor rejoiced on reaching the surface after a shift with ritualistic thanks. He relocated to Natal where his relationship with the natural world developed, leading eventually to the founding of both the Dusi canoe marathon and the Wilderness Leadership School. On being employed by the Natal Parks Board he moved to Zululand, a true wilderness, in the early 1950s, where he was exposed to the rituals and beliefs of local tribes. He was impressed by their reliance on and their respect for the spiritual. A series of what he later understood were synchronistic events led him to both his mentors: a Jungian analyst and eventually to Jung himself.     

Say hello to the scream extractor: working with an autistic child with psychotic mechanisms

This paper describes the first two years of intensive psychotherapy with a six-year-old boy diagnosed with autism. I explore the many ways in which he retreated from reality, most frequently by taking refuge inside the maternal body or flying off into an imaginary space world. He fragmented his identity and that of his objects by using the discourse of fictional characters. Everything was externalised; there was little transmutation of material available for thought. I consider his dilemma – the wish to fuse with the object and the fear of being engulfed; the omnipotent denial of the need for an object and of the parental relationship, leading to an inability to make links. The paper discusses working with a child who experienced any ‘paternal’ firmness as persecuting and destructive. The softer, receptive maternal mind of the therapist was more easily tolerated. He gradually began to internalise a more benign combined object, as he became more able to bear separateness from the other.     

John Milton's Magisterial Reformation

In the English prose he published over a period of two decades, John Milton frequently uses the term ‘reformation’ to identify the age in which he was living and the causes for which he was fighting. In so doing, he reveals his support for the magisterial Reformation and his rejection of the radical Reformation. He expresses his desire not for religious diversity but for union with the Scottish and Continental Reformed Churches. He constructs a complex discourse that is self-serving, misleading in some ways, prophetic, and calculated to win a range of polemical contests. In supporting the magisterial Reformation, he also displays his support for theologians who participate in government, and magistrates who participate in determining religious belief and conduct. Milton thus repudiates many aspects of modernity and is, as he insists, a man who lived during, and promoted what he called, ‘times of reformation’.     

曾子伦理政治思想述评

在孔孟之间的思想变迁过程中,“孔子之学,曾子独得其宗”。曾子一方面继承和发扬了孔子重孝道、重道德修养、理想人格及重修己正人等思想,另一方面又直接启导了后来的子思、孟子思想,起到了承上启下的重要作用,是孔孟思想变迁过程中十分关键的代表性人物。在儒学思想发展史上,曾子对儒家思想发展最大的贡献就在于他的孝道观、道德自律观及修己正人的道德政治观。曾子的伦理政治思想成为孔子思想进一步理论化、系统化的必不可少的重要环节。     

齐襄公考——从马王堆汉墓帛书谈起

公子诸儿、公子糺、公子小白同是齐僖公的儿子;诸儿因年长而继承王位,是为齐襄公。襄公俊美多才,有图强之心。他攻打鲁国,讨伐卫国,灭掉纪国,帮助卫惠公登上王位,齐国一时强盛。齐襄公和鲁桓公于桓公十八年在泺会见,鲁桓公夫人文姜随行。齐襄公复与妹妹文姜私通,并派力士彭生杀死鲁桓公。襄公做事随意,喜怒无常,最终被公孙无知杀死。公孙无知夺得齐国王位后,亦因暴虐被杀,齐桓公登上王位。襄公的功业,为桓公称霸打下坚实基础。     

Locke and Hume on Belief, Judgment and Assent

Hume's account of belief has been much reviled, especially considered as an account of what it is to assent to or judge a proposition to be true. In fact, given that he thinks that thoughts about existence can be composed of a single idea, and that relations are just complex ideas, it might be wondered whether he has an account of judgment at all. Nonetheless, Hume was extremely proud of his account of belief, discussing it at length in the Abstract, and developing it in the Appendix. Furthermore, he claimed several times that his account was new. It was not just a new answer to an old question, but an answer to a new question as well. Why did Hume think he was raising, and answering, a new question? Is his answer really so appalling? Why did he define belief in terms of a relationship with a present impression? In this paper, I propose answers to these questions. The answers emerge by contrasting Hume with Locke. Locke thought that belief was a pale imitation of knowledge, and that the assent we give to propositions is constituted in the very same act as forming those propositions. Hume saw the problems such a theory faced concerning existential beliefs. By ceasing to treat existence as a predicate, Hume was confronted with the issue of what it was to judge something to be true, or to assent to something. This issue had to be solved independently of the question of what it was to conceive something, or understand the content of a proposition. Hume thought this problem was new. He should be looked at, not as giving a bad answer to an important question, but rather as being the first in the early modern period to recognize that there was an important question here to be answered.     

方以智易学思想研究

方以智的博物之学与道德形上学体系,皆托《易》立言。早年,他以"气为真象,事为真数"的象数观,将抽象的象数符号还原为气与人事,并要求以"实证"的方法"核其真",反对将象数神秘化。他并非执着于感性的象数层面,在将"几"的内涵改造成隐晦的、待征乃显的"物理"的基础上,提出了"征天地之几"、"因事见理以征几"的易几观,从而成就了独具特色的博物之学。中晚年,他将"太极"的内涵引申为心与仁,并藉"太极不杂乎阴阳,不离乎阴阳"的太极观,建构了体用圆融的道德形上学体系。     

美德是幸福的前提吗？

幸福研究方兴未艾,但当今研究着重于幸福的心理描述性层面,而通常忽视了幸福概念中的规范性或者评价性层面。在孔子和亚里士多德等哲学家眼中,美德是幸福的前提。心理学实证研究发现,实践美德行为,如志愿、捐助等活动能够使人获得幸福。同时,研究也发现,人们倾向于认为具有美德的人会更加幸福。虽然实证研究能够说明美德与幸福具有关系,但是在美德与幸福的因果联系确定上,以及美德对于幸福来说是否是工具性的问题上,还需要更多的研究。