美式反恐战略给无辜者带来的道德伤害

恐怖主义是全人类的共同敌人。在美国主导国际社会反恐话语权的宏观背景下,美式反恐战略在美国国内造就了一个放弃“美国价值”的美国;在国际社会,给无数无辜者带来了巨大的道德伤害。其对人类社会伦理秩序破坏所造成的损害尚无法评估。     

国际动态

美国国务卿鲍威尔称恐怖主义与伊斯兰教没有任何关系近期,美国国务卿鲍威尔在沙特阿拉伯的海港城市吉达与沙特外交大臣赛义德·费萨尔亲王召开联合新闻发布会时表示,没有一个美国人认为阿拉伯人和穆斯林与恐怖主义有关。恐怖主义行动并不能反映伊斯兰教和穆斯林的观点,而这一观点已通过美国总统布什传达给部分穆斯林国家首脑。他说,“我们将把这一观点反映给全世界”,“美国相信,那些恐怖主义分子不是穆斯林。”印度天主教会主教支持政府宣布的保护少数派宗教信仰团体的政策7月8日,印度天主教会主教们对印度政府日前宣布的颁布保护国内少数…     

中东和平之路 任重而道远(上)——兼评美国的中东和平“路线图”计划

美国在本土遭受“9.11”重大袭击之后,作为当今世界上唯一的超级大国,为了缓解其国民的恐惧心理,以及释放国人胸中的怒火,一面组织所谓“反恐联盟”,一面开始其在全球使用所谓“先发制人”战略。于是,美国先是以“反恐”为名,通过武力推翻了阿富汗“塔利班”政权;随后又以伊拉克“拥有大规模杀伤性武器”为借口,不顾国际社会特别是阿拉伯国     

国际动态

布什邀宗教人士举行会谈强调美反恐无宗教偏见美国总统布什10月28日重申,美国领导的反恐战争不带有任何宗教偏见。布什说:“博伊金的言论并不反映我的观点或者美国政府的观点。”当天,他还邀请宗教界人士到白宫举行会谈。据当地媒体披露,美国国防部负责情报和作战支援的副部长帮办、陆军中将博伊金本月早些时候将反恐战争称做“基督教与穆斯林世界的战争”,并说恐怖分子袭击美国目标是“因为我们是一个基督教国家”。博伊金的这一言论招致世界和美国各界的强烈批评。一些舆论还要求他引咎辞职。伊斯兰教科文组织20日发表声明强烈谴责博伊金…     

试析美国反恐战争的道德依据

道德因素已经成为影响美国对外政策的一股不可忽略的、恒久的力量。“美国例外”主义、实用主义至上的道德原则和“人道主义”干涉原则是支持美国反恐战争的三大道德支柱。“道德责任”的背后是为了在全球推广美国价值观。     

框架建构理论视角下新疆反恐与去极端化问题探析

框架建构是社会运动研究的重要理论，可以用来帮助分析新疆反恐与去极端化问题。首先，诊断式框架建构界定与识别分裂主义的目的、极端主义的思想以及恐怖主义手段。其次，预后式框架建构指出反恐与去极端化工作的主要举措。最后，促动式框架建构阐释反恐与去极端化工作的必要性。三种框架建构各有侧重，相互支撑，对反恐与去极端化工作具有一定的启发意义。     

解析伊斯兰极端主义思想的三种形态

近十余年间,特别是在"9·11"事件之后,反对恐怖主义成为国际社会主流政治话语,引起各国广泛关注。但国际社会"反恐",基本上不问恐怖主义产生的根源并努力加以消除,加之一些西方大国在"反恐"问题上施行"双重标准",引起许多负面效应。重要的负面效应之一,是认识上的"误区",人们没有花大气力去对恐怖主义的思想基础之一,即宗教极端主义进行深入系统的调研,似乎恐怖主义与宗教极端主义是互不相干的两个问题。在国内,也有论者认为,极端主义与伊斯兰教无关,这种论调实际上是认定"宗教极端主义"概念本身是一种"话语失范"。本文作者坚持认为,宗教极端主义是非主流宗教思想,它与宗教既有许多表面联系,故而具有欺骗性、煽动性,又有本质区别,因而反对极端主义不是反对具有广泛群众基础的宗教。本文希望通过对伊斯兰极端主义思想三种形态的解析、研判、评述,深化对宗教极端主义思潮的理解和认知。     

月览

<正>1月21日,国家主席习近平在开罗阿拉伯国家联盟总部发表题为《共同开创中阿关系的美好未来》的重要演讲。他讲道,恐怖主义不分国界,也没有好坏之分,反恐不能搞双重标准。同样,也不能把恐怖主义同特定民族宗教挂钩,那样只会制造民族宗教隔阂。没有哪一项政策能够单独完全奏效,反恐必须坚持综合施策、标本兼治。为此,中方将开展在中阿合作论     

宗教视角下的南亚恐怖主义特征与反恐的若干思考

本文详细探究和分析了后冷战时代宗教在南亚地区恐怖主义泛滥背景下的特征,指出不同宗教间的冲突成为南亚恐怖主义最主要的特征,并分析了南亚恐怖组织的宗教背景,强调恐怖主义对南亚造成了巨大危害,加深了不同宗教间的仇视。最后,从南亚自身实际出发,提出加强不同宗教间的对话,消除彼此之间的不信任感和仇恨感是南亚地区反恐的重中之重。     

新疆反恐去极端化的中国优势与经验

作为中国反恐怖主义的前沿地区,新疆在多年的反恐去极端化实践中不断探索,利用制度优势、组织优势、机制优势和作风优势,精确把脉、凝聚共识、综合施策、标本兼治,建构起一整套完备且行之有效的反恐去极端化体系,不仅显示出新疆反恐去极端化过程中的中国制度优势,同时也为世界其他国家的反恐去极端化提供了可资借鉴的中国经验。     

Terrorism's Toll on Civil Liberties

Summary

The toll that terrorism takes on civil liberties has become clear in the United States in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks. Horrendous as those attacks were, they were hardly unique in the fear that they spurred on the part of the politicians and the public, resulting in a counterattack on civil liberties in the name of preventing terrorism. The cost to civil liberties is thus imposed not directly by terrorism itself, but rather by unjustified policies that are labeled “counter-terrorist.” In that sense, this chapter would more aptly be entitled, “Counter-Terrorism's Toll on Civil Liberties.”     

The common morality in communitarian thought: reflective consensus in public policy

I explore the possible meanings that the notion of the common morality can have in a contemporary communitarian approach to ethics and public policy. The common morality can be defined as the conditions for shared pursuit of the good or as the values, deliberations, traditions, and common construction of the narrative of a people. The former sense sees the common morality as the universal and invariant structures of morality while the second sense is much more contingent in nature. Nevertheless, the communitarian sees both aspects as integral in devising solutions to public policy problems. I outline how both meanings follow from communitarian philosophical anthropology and illustrate how they work together when addressing a question such as that of providing universal health insurance in the United States. The common morality forms the basis of building an implicit consensus that is available to and reaffirmed by the shared reflections of the citizenry.     

The influence of national culture on the perceived fairness of grading procedures: a comparison of the United States and China

Although the desire to be treated fairly is a fundamental human preference, perceptions of fair treatment can be influenced by cultural beliefs and values. For this article, the author used a scenario-based experimental study to examine students' fairness perceptions of grading procedures in 2 countries with distinct national cultures, China and the United States. The results suggest that culture can influence students' perceptions of the fairness of 2 aspects of procedural justice: voice and interpersonal justice. Chinese students were more likely to value interpersonal justice (i.e., being treated with dignity and respect, and being provided with explanations of grading procedures) and perceived the lack of interpersonal justice as less fair than did U.S. participants. In contrast, U.S. students were more likely to perceive voice (i.e., the opportunity to discuss and appeal a grading decision) as fair. These findings are connected to differences in the cultural values of the United States and China.     

The Influence of National Culture on the Perceived Fairness of Grading Procedures: A Comparison of the United States and China

Although the desire to be treated fairly is a fundamental human preference, perceptions of fair treatment can be influenced by cultural beliefs and values. For this article, the author used a scenario-based experimental study to examine students' fairness perceptions of grading procedures in 2 countries with distinct national cultures, China and the United States. The results suggest that culture can influence students' perceptions of the fairness of 2 aspects of procedural justice: voice and interpersonal justice. Chinese students were more likely to value interpersonal justice (i.e., being treated with dignity and respect, and being provided with explanations of grading procedures) and perceived the lack of interpersonal justice as less fair than did U.S. participants. In contrast, U.S. students were more likely to perceive voice (i.e., the opportunity to discuss and appeal a grading decision) as fair. These findings are connected to differences in the cultural values of the United States and China.     

Culture and moral judgment: how are conflicts between justice and interpersonal responsibilities resolved?

A 2-session study examined Indian and American adults' and children's (N = 140) reasoning about moral dilemmas involving conflicts between interpersonal and justice expectations. Most Indians gave priority to the interpersonal expectations, whereas most Americans gave priority to the justice expectations. Indians tended to categorize their conflict resolutions in moral terms. In contrast, when Americans gave priority to the interpersonal alternatives, they tended to categorize their resolutions in personal terms. Results imply that Indians possess a postconventional moral code in which interpersonal responsibilities are seen in as fully principled terms as justice obligations and may be accorded precedence over justice obligations. Findings also suggest that a personal morality of interpersonal responsiveness and caring is linked to highly rights-oriented cultural views, such as those emphasized in the United States.     

Does Han Fei have a conception of justice?

Han Fei’s political theory is widely characterized as eschewing any connection with morality; so, can he have any conception of justice? In this paper, I accept the interpretation of Han Fei jettisoning any moral commitment, but I argue that he gives heed to an understanding of justice. This conception of justice arises naturally from the ordinary human sentiment of resentment for wrongs done and becomes a moral staple in the consciousness of ordinary people. Such a conception of justice has these features: all and only the guilty receive punishment, and the punishments are in some sense proportionate to the crime. Since disregarding this popular conception of justice results in resentment and political instability, Han Fei, without any moral commitment to it, accepts the popular conception of justice on prudential and consequentialist grounds.     

Prisoners of hate

The terrorist attacks in New York and Washington, D.C. on September 11, 2001 as well as domestic terrorism in the United States and elsewhere in the world has prompted an analysis of the psychology of the terrorist. The perpetrators' profound sense of being wronged--their values undermined by foreign powers or a corrupt domestic power structure--has cried out for revolution and revenge. The fanatic ideology of the perpetrators has provided the matrix for a progressively more malevolent representation of the oppressors: the Image of the Enemy. Retribution against the Enemy in the form of mass murder of anonymous civilians becomes an imperative. The counterpart of the image of the Enemy is the idealized collective self-image of members of the movement, faction, or cult. The group narcissism of the white supremacists in the United States, the Aum Shinrikyo in Japan, and the Islamic extremists enhance their collective self-image as pure, righteous, and united. While the foot soldiers, as in any war, gain glory through martyrdom, the instigators and leaders have their own personal narcissistic goals (power and prestige) and plan. For the extremist Islamists the ultimate goal has been overthrow of the moderate Islamic governments; for the domestic terrorists, destabilization of the national government and reinstitution of the traditional values.