Social influence on metacognitive evaluations: The power of nonverbal cues

Metacognitive evaluations refer to the processes by which people assess their own cognitive operations with respect to their current goal. Little is known about whether this process is susceptible to social influence. Here we investigate whether nonverbal social signals spontaneously influence metacognitive evaluations. Participants performed a two-alternative forced-choice task, which was followed by a face randomly gazing towards or away from the response chosen by the participant. Participants then provided a metacognitive evaluation of their response by rating their confidence in their answer. In Experiment 1, the participants were told that the gaze direction was irrelevant to the task purpose and were advised to ignore it. The results revealed an effect of implicit social information on confidence ratings even though the gaze direction was random and therefore unreliable for task purposes. In addition, nonsocial cues (car) did not elicit this effect. In Experiment 2, the participants were led to believe that cue direction (face or car) reflected a previous participant's response to the same question—that is, the social information provided by the cue was made explicit, yet still objectively unreliable for the task. The results showed a similar social influence on confidence ratings, observed with both cues (car and face) but with an increased magnitude relative to Experiment 1. We additionally showed in Experiment 2 that social information impaired metacognitive accuracy. Together our results strongly suggest an involuntary susceptibility of metacognitive evaluations to nonverbal social information, even when it is implicit (Experiment 1) and unreliable (Experiments 1 and 2).     

Active search,mediation, and the manipulation of cue dimensions: Emotion attribution in the false feedback paradigm

The present experiments investigated the mechanism(s) that produce the false feedback effect. Although the present studies replicated the basic phenomenon, previously proposed mediators of attention and arousal did not appear related to the effects obtained. In Experiment 1, change feedback slides were rated significantly higher than no-change feedback slides (F(1, 39)=11.88,p<.01). Correlations showed that both arousal and nonarousal feedback cues produced active search and influenced stimulus ratings. Attention or arousal differences between change and no-change feedback should not result in equal cue effects. In Experiment 2, feedback rating differences were eliminated by presenting less differentially ambiguous situational stimuli. These findings suggested that important factors in the emotion attribution process may be the relative ambiguity and subjective salience of both situational and physiological cues.     

Cue combination in human spatial navigation

This project investigated the ways in which visual cues and bodily cues from self-motion are combined in spatial navigation. Participants completed a homing task in an immersive virtual environment. In Experiments 1A and 1B, the reliability of visual cues and self-motion cues was manipulated independently and within-participants. Results showed that participants weighted visual cues and self-motion cues based on their relative reliability and integrated these two cue types optimally or near-optimally according to Bayesian principles under most conditions. In Experiment 2, the stability of visual cues was manipulated across trials. Results indicated that cue instability affected cue weights indirectly by influencing cue reliability. Experiment 3 was designed to mislead participants about cue reliability by providing distorted feedback on the accuracy of their performance. Participants received feedback that their performance with visual cues was better and that their performance with self-motion cues was worse than it actually was or received the inverse feedback. Positive feedback on the accuracy of performance with a given cue improved the relative precision of performance with that cue. Bayesian principles still held for the most part. Experiment 4 examined the relations among the variability of performance, rated confidence in performance, cue weights, and spatial abilities. Participants took part in the homing task over two days and rated confidence in their performance after every trial. Cue relative confidence and cue relative reliability had unique contributions to observed cue weights. The variability of performance was less stable than rated confidence over time. Participants with higher mental rotation scores performed relatively better with self-motion cues than visual cues. Across all four experiments, consistent correlations were found between observed weights assigned to cues and relative reliability of cues, demonstrating that the cue-weighting process followed Bayesian principles. Results also pointed to the important role of subjective evaluation of performance in the cue-weighting process and led to a new conceptualization of cue reliability in human spatial navigation.     

The Influences of Performance Cues and Observational Focus on Performance Rating Accuracy1

The present study examined the effects of observational focus and performance cues on rating accuracy. It was hypothesized that these two factors would affect ratings independently: a) subjects given a good performance cue would rate the target more positively than subjects given a poor performance cue and, b) subjects using an event focus would rate the target person more accurately than subjects using a person focus. One hundred twenty undergraduates viewed the same videotape and subsequently stated which of a set of 48 behaviors were exhibited by the target person. The results supported the hypothesized performance cue effect. Observational focus did not have the hypothesized main effect on rating accuracy but was involved in a four-way interaction. The interaction indicated that, as the focus of the subject's attention broadened to the entire event, the errors associated with the performance cue effect were lessened. The subjects using an event focus were likely to generate ratings characterized by a positivity bias, whereas those using a person focus were more likely to generate ratings biased by performance cues.     

Outcome and cue properties modulate blocking

Participants saw a series of situations in which a cue (a light appearing at a certain position) could be followed by an outcome (a drawing of a tank that exploded) and were afterwards asked to rate the likelihood of the outcome in the presence of the cue. In Experiments 1 and 2, the compound cues AT and KL were always followed by the outcome (AT+, KL+). During an elemental phase that either preceded or followed the compound phase, Cue A was also paired with the outcome (A+). Cue T elicited a lower rating than Cues K and L when cues were described as being weapons but not when the cues were said to be indicators. The magnitude of this blocking effect was also influenced by whether the outcome occurred to a maximal or submaximal extent. Experiment 3 replicated the effect of cue instructions on blocking (A+, AT+) but showed that cue instructions had no impact on reduced overshadowing (B-, BT+). The results shed new light on previous findings and support probabilistic contrast models of human contingency judgements.     

The spatial correspondence hypothesis and orienting in response to central and peripheral spatial cues

Two experiments examined visual orienting in response to spatial precues. In Experiment 1A participants were informed that targets usually (p =.8) appeared on the same side as cues in a particular colour (e.g., red). Rapid orienting was observed, with both central and peripherally presented cues. In Experiment IB cue displays were spatially symmetric. Participants were informed that target location (left or right) was usually predicted (p =.8) by cue colour (red or green). Orienting effects were observed, but these were slower to develop and much weaker than in Experiment 1 A. In Experiment 2A and 2B the cue was a single, centrally presented letter. We compared effects of spatially symmetric (T, X, v, o) and asymmetric (d, b) letter cues. Validity effects were present for asymmetric cues, but entirely absent for symmetric cues. These finding are discussed in terms of Lambert and Duddy's (2002) proposal that spatial correspondence learning plays a critical role in spatial precueing. Implications of the results for the distinction between endogenous and exogenous orienting are also considered.     

Text cohesion and metacomprehension: Immediate and delayed judgments

In three experiments, we examined comprehension judgments made after a piece of text had been read. We propose that such metacognitive judgments are based on the content of working memory at the exact moment of assessment. Generally speaking, this working metacognition hypothesis is in agreement with Koriat's cue utilization approach, which implies that different elements of information will be available (and used) depending on the moment at which a judgment is made. More specifically, our hypothesis focuses on the management of working memory during reading as a cause for cue (un)availability. In support of these views, the results of Experiment 1 showed that a cohesion manipulation affecting the comprehension of specific paragraphs influences judgments only on these paragraphs, and not on judgments on the whole text. In Experiment 2, we showed that an interfering task that takes place just before this paragraph judgment is made wipes out this cohesion effect. Experiment 3 showed, on the other hand, that the whole-text judgment may, nevertheless, be affected by text cohesion, provided that the readers keep an access to the text when the judgment is made. These results support the idea that working memory management makes different cues available for metacognitive ratings at different delays.     

The role of familiarity in episodic memory and metamemory for music

Participants heard music snippets of varying melodic and instrumental familiarity paired with animal-name titles. They then recalled the target when given either the melody or the title as a cue, or they gave name feeling-of-knowing (FOK) ratings. In general, recall for titles was better than it was for melodies, and recall was enhanced with increasing melodic familiarity of both the cues and the targets. Accuracy of FOK ratings, but not magnitude, also increased with increasing familiarity. Although similar ratings were given after melody and title cues, accuracy was better with title cues. Finally, knowledge of the real titles of the familiar music enhanced recall but had, by and large, no effect on the FOK ratings.     

EVALUATION OF A MULTICOMPONENT INTERVENTION FOR DIURNAL BRUXISM IN A YOUNG CHILD WITH AUTISM

Bruxism, forceful grinding of one's teeth together, can produce destructive outcomes such as wear on the teeth and damaged gums and bone structures. The current study implemented a multicomponent intervention that consisted of vocal and physical cues to decrease rates of bruxism. A partial component analysis suggested that the vocal cue was only effective at decreasing levels of bruxism when paired with a simultaneous physical cue.     

儿童基于不同线索的所有权判断及其文化差异

对所有权的认知依赖于不同的线索。儿童很早就能通过不同的线索判断所有权。3岁幼儿能够基于先占、劳动、证言、许可控制、刻板印象等线索判断所有权。社会经济和文化因素会影响幼儿对所有权线索的利用, 如社会经济发展不发达地区儿童对先占线索的利用在发展上会有所延迟, 集体主义文化中的幼儿在进行所有权判断时更保守一些, 表现为当先占线索和劳动线索冲突时更倾向于判断物品属于先占者。未来研究应重视通过冲突线索范式探索不同线索在儿童所有权判断中的权重, 探索儿童基于不同线索判断所有权背后的内部心理机制, 同时尝试利用眼动技术等手段对2岁以下幼儿的所有权认知进行研究。     

Face value: testing the utility of contextual face cues for face recognition

The presence of multiple faces during a crime may provide a naturally-occurring contextual cue to support eyewitness recognition for those faces later. Across two experiments, we sought to investigate mechanisms underlying previously-reported cued recognition effects, and to determine whether such effects extended to encoding conditions involving more than two faces. Participants studied sets of individual faces, pairs of faces, or groups of four faces. At test, participants in the single-face condition were tested only on those individual faces without cues. Participants in the two and four-face conditions were tested using no cues, correct cues (a face previously studied with the target test face), or incorrect cues (a never-before-seen face). In Experiment 2, associative encoding was promoted by a rating task. Neither hit rates nor false-alarm rates were significantly affected by cue type or face encoding condition in Experiment 1, but cuing of any kind (correct or incorrect) in Experiment 2 appeared to provide a protective buffer to reduce false-alarm rates through a less liberal response bias. Results provide some evidence that cued recognition techniques could be useful to reduce false recognition, but only when associative encoding is strong.     

The effort heuristic

The research presented here suggests that effort is used as a heuristic for quality. Participants rating a poem (Experiment 1), a painting (Experiment 2), or a suit of armor (Experiment 3) provided higher ratings of quality, value, and liking for the work the more time and effort they thought it took to produce. Experiment 3 showed that the use of the effort heuristic, as with all heuristics, is moderated by ambiguity: Participants were more influenced by effort when the quality of the object being evaluated was difficult to ascertain. Discussion centers on the implications of the effort heuristic for everyday judgment and decision-making.     

Haptic experiences influence visually acquired memories: Reference frames during multimodal spatial learning

In two experiments, we investigated whether reference frames acquired through touch could influence memories for locations learned through vision. Participants learned two objects through touch, and haptic egocentric (Experiment 1) and environmental (Experiment 2) cues encouraged selection of a specific reference frame. Participants later learned eight new objects through vision. Haptic cues were manipulated, whereas visual learning was held constant in order to observe any potential influence of the haptically experienced reference frame on memories for visually learned locations. When the haptically experienced reference frame was defined primarily by egocentric cues, cue manipulation had no effect on memories for objects learned through vision. Instead, visually learned locations were remembered using a reference frame selected from the visual study perspective. When the haptically experienced reference frame was defined by both egocentric and environmental cues, visually learned objects were remembered in the context of the haptically experienced reference frame. These findings support the common reference frame hypothesis, which proposes that locations learned through different sensory modalities are represented within a common reference frame.     

An object-based template for rejection effect

ABSTRACT

In the process of searching for targets, our visual system not only prioritizes target-relevant features, but can also suppress nontarget-related features. Although this template for rejection has been well demonstrated, whether the features (i.e. the objects) or locations are suppressed remains unresolved due to the experimental paradigms in previous studies: in particular, object-based templates for rejection were confounded with location-based inhibition in visual search paradigms. The present study examined an object-based template for rejection by introducing search arrays comprised of two overlapping shapes with search items distributed along the shape's contours. To discourage location-based inhibition, the two shapes were spatially intermingled (Experiment 1), rotated (Experiment 2), or jiggled (Experiment 3). Participants identified the colour of a target cross. The pre-cue indicated the shape in which the target would appear (positive cue condition), the shape in which only distractors would appear (negative cue condition), or the shape that was irrelevant to the current search array (neutral cue condition). In all three experiments, the reaction times for the negative cue condition were shorter than those for the neutral cue condition, which is a hallmark of the object-based template for rejection effect, even under conditions in which location-based inhibition was discouraged.     

The recalcitrance of overconfidence and its contribution to decision aid neglect

Three experiments tested the hypothesis that people's overconfidence in the quality of their intuitive judgment strategies contributes to their reluctance to use helpful actuarial judgment aids. Participants engaged in a judgment task that required them to use five cues to decide whether a prospective juror favored physician‐assisted suicide. Participants had the opportunity to examine the judgments of a statistical equation that correctly classified 77% of the prospective jurors. In all experiments, participants infrequently examined the equation, performed worse than the equation, and were highly overconfident. In Experiments 1 and 2, outcome feedback and calibration feedback failed to reduce overconfidence. In Experiment 3, enhanced calibration feedback reduced overconfidence and increased reliance on the equation, thus leading to improved judgment performance. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

I,me, mine: Automatic attentional capture by self‐related stimuli

Drawing on decades of research suggesting an attentional advantage for self‐related information, researchers generally assume that self‐related stimuli automatically capture attention. However, a literature review reveals that this claim has not been systematically examined. We aimed to fill in this dearth of evidence. Following a feature‐based account of automaticity, we set up four experiments in which participants were asked to respond to a target preceded by a cue, which was self‐related or not. In Experiment 1, larger cuing effects (faster reaction times to valid versus invalid trials) were found with a participant's own name compared with someone else's name. In Experiment 2, we replicated these results with unconscious cues. Experiment 3 suggested that these effects are not likely driven by familiarity. In Experiment 4, participants experienced greater difficulties from having their attention being captured by their own compared with someone else's name. We conclude that attentional capture by self‐related stimuli is automatic in the sense that it is unintentional, unconscious, and uncontrolled. Implications for self‐regulation and intergroup relations are discussed. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Cue familiarity but not target retrievability enhances feeling-of-knowing judgments.

Two hypotheses concerning people's ability to predict later memory performance for unrecalled items were investigated. The target retrievability hypothesis states that feeling-of-knowing judgments (FKJs) are based on partial target information; and the cue familiarity hypothesis asserts that they are based on recognition of the cues. In Experiments 1 and 2, subjects either generated or read the targets of paired associates. Half of the cues had been primed in a pleasantness-rating task. The generation manipulation increased recall but had no effect on FKJs. Cue priming had no effect on recall but increased FKJs. In Experiment 3, using general information questions, primed after the initial recall attempt, both cue and target priming increased FKJs. Experiment 4, which remedied difficulties in Experiment 3, showed no effect of target priming whereas cue priming increased FKJs. The results favor the cue familiarity hypothesis.     

Attention to Explicit and Implicit Contrast in Verb Learning

Contrast information could be useful for verb learning, but few studies have examined children's ability to use this type of information. Contrast may be useful when children are told explicitly that different verbs apply, or when they hear two different verbs in a single context. Three studies examine children's attention to different types of contrast as they learn new verbs. Study 1 shows that 3.5-year-olds can use both implicit contrast (“I'm meeking it. I'm koobing it.”) and explicit contrast (“I'm meeking it. I'm not meeking it.”) when learning a new verb, while a control group's responses did not differ from chance. Study 2 shows that even though children at this age who hear explicit contrast statements differ from a control group, they do not reliably extend a newly learned verb to events with new objects. In Study 3, children in three age groups were given both comparison and contrast information, not in blocks of trials as in past studies, but in a procedure that interleaved both cues. Results show that while 2.5-year-olds were unable to use these cues when asked to compare and contrast, by 3.5 years old, children are beginning to be able to process these cues and use them to influence their verb extensions, and by 4.5 years, children are proficient at integrating multiple cues when learning and extending new verbs. Together these studies examine children's use of contrast in verb learning, a potentially important source of information that has been rarely studied.     

The impact of domain-specific beliefs on decisions and causal judgments

Extensive evidence suggests that people often rely on their causal beliefs in their decisions and causal judgments. To date, however, there is a dearth of research comparing the impact of causal beliefs in different domains. We conducted two experiments to map the influence of domain-specific causal beliefs on the evaluation of empirical evidence when making decisions and subsequent causal judgments. Participants made 120 decisions in a two-alternative forced-choice task, framed in either a medical or a financial domain. Before each decision, participants could actively search for information about the outcome (“occurrence of a disease” or “decrease in a company's share price”) on the basis of four cues. To analyze the strength of causal beliefs, we set two cues to have a generative relation to the outcome and two to have a preventive relation to the outcome. To examine the influence of empirical evidence, we manipulated the predictive power (i.e., cue validities) of the cues. Both experiments included a validity switch, where the four selectable cues switched from high to low validity or vice versa. Participants had to make a causal judgment about each cue before and after the validity switch. In the medical domain, participants stuck to the causal information in causal judgments, even when evidence was contradictory, while decisions showed an effect of both empirical and causal information. In contrast, in the financial domain, participants mainly adapted their decisions and judgments to the cue validities. We conclude that the strength of causal beliefs (1) is shaped by the domain, and (2) has a differential influence on the degree to which empirical evidence is taken into account in causal judgments and decision making.     

Culture and visual perception: Does perceptual inference depend on culture?1,2

Abstract: Some perceptual cues carry information about the overall pattern of an object (holistic cues), whereas others carry information about the distinct parts of an object (part cues). Drawing on recent work on culture and cognition, the authors predicted that people with European‐American cultural backgrounds would be more capable of using part cues in perceptual inference than those with Asian backgrounds. No such cross‐cultural difference was expected for the ability to use holistic cues. In two studies, participants were presented with either one of the two types of cues and asked to infer the identity of the original objects. As predicted, in the part‐cue condition European‐American participants performed better than did Japanese (Study 1) and Asian‐American participants (Study 2). Also as predicted, there was no cultural difference in the holistic‐cue condition. The results were interpreted with reference to other related studies documenting reliable cross‐cultural differences in cognition.