Exploring the positive and negative implications of facial feedback

The facial feedback effect (e.g., Strack et al., 1988) is explored in three experiments. It was found that when someone lowers their eyebrows, following instructions, their mood becomes more negative. If, however, they are instructed to raise their eyebrows they become more surprised by facts. Finally, if people are instructed to wrinkle their noses, then odors are evaluated as more unpleasant. While providing further diverse evidence for facial feedback, the experiments are also considered in the context of facial muscular paralysis induced as part of cosmetic treatments using botulinum toxin. The research presented here supports the previously suggested idea that such treatments could reduce depression, but other possible psychological impacts of such treatments are considered. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved).     

Maintenance and transfer of self-reinforcement functions

In order to examine conditions maintaining self-reinforcement functions, pigeons were trained to reward their own performances and then tested for adherence to work requirements under decreasing likelihood of punishment for undeserved self-reward. Contingent self-reinforcement was stably maintained given moderate to high probability that unmerited self-reward would incur punishing consequences. In successive reversals of treatment and test conditions, the amount of behavior performed for each self-reward covaried with self-reinforcement rate. A further experiment demonstrated that self-reinforcing practices, involving both performance and consummatory contingencies, transfer to new activities for which the animal had never been trained to reward himself contingently. Adherence to performance requirements was more stringent, however, than to limitations on amount of rcinforcers consumed from freely available provisions.     

Motivated expectations of positive feedback in social interactions

People self-enhance in a variety of ways. For example, they generally expect to perform better than others, to be in control of events, and to have a brighter future. Might they also self-enhance by expecting to receive positive feedback in social interactions? Across five studies, we found that they did. People's desire for feedback correlated with how positive they expected it to be (Study 1), and their feedback expectations were more positive for themselves than for others (Study 2). People's positive feedback expectations also covaried with trait tendencies to self-enhance (i.e., self-esteem and narcissism; Study 3) and with a direct situational manipulation of self-enhancement motivation (Study 4). Finally, people expected to receive positive feedback but did not consistently expect to receive self-verifying feedback (Study 5). These findings are consistent with social expectations being driven in part by the self-enhancement motive.     

The effects of positive versus negative feedback on information-integration category learning

A number of studies have shown that in category learning, providing feedback about errors allows faster learning than providing feedback about correct responses. However, these previous studies used explicit, rule-based tasks in which the category structures could be separated by a simple rule that was easily verbalized. Here, the results of the first experiment known to compare the efficacy of positive versus negative feedback during information-integration category learning are reported. Information-integration tasks require participants to integrate perceptual information from incommensurable dimensions, and evidence suggests that optimal responding recruits procedural learning. The results show that although nearly all of the full-feedback control participants demonstrated information-integration learning, participants receiving either positive-only or negative-only feedback generally used explicit, rule-based strategies. It thus appears that, unlike rule-based learning, consistent information-integration learning requires full feedback. The theoretical implications of these findings for current models of information-integration learning are discussed.     

The effects of positive and negative feedback and reward on originality

Forty subjects participated in a remote associates verbal learning task. Subjects were assigned to reward or feedback and positive or negative conditions in a 2 × 2 factorial design. Subjects in the various groups performed at significantly different levels with the positive reward group producing the most remote associates, folllowed, respectively, by the negative feedback, negative reward, and positive feedback groups. It was suggested that rewarding remote assocites results in relatively flat associative gradients, wherein the subject has ready access to all associates. Conversely, punishing common associates produces emotionality which reduces the response probability of remote associates, thus producing a relatively steep associative gradient. Extrapolations to Mednick's theory of creativity were made, suggesting that creativity is under environmental control.     

Punishment and rate of positive reinforcement

This experiment investigated the effect of several punishment intensities on two responses maintained by contrasting rates of reinforcement. The responses were concurrently reinforced according to two different variable-interval schedules. Because these schedules were independent of one another and programmed different rates of reinforcement, the two responses occurred at dissimilar rates. When responses were simultaneously suppressed by punishment, both rates were reduced proportionately until suppression was virtually complete. In other words, the per cent suppression resulting from punishment was independent of the rate at which the response was reinforced. Phenomena found in single-response studies were duplicated here. Responding tended to increase both within and between punishment sessions at mild and moderate punishment intensities. Cessation of punishment led to a "compensatory" overshooting beyond the prepunished response rate.     

Mental contrasting turns positive feedback on creative potential into successful performance

In two studies employing a creativity test (i.e., solving insight problems), we hypothesized and observed that mental contrasting of a desired future with present reality (Oettingen, Pak, & Schnetter, 2001) transforms positive feedback into strong performance. Participants received positive or moderate bogus feedback on their creative potential and then engaged either in mental contrasting, indulging in the desired future, dwelling on present reality, or irrelevant contrasting with respect to taking a creativity test. Mental contrasting participants who received positive feedback performed better than those who received moderate feedback. They also performed better than indulging, dwelling, and irrelevant contrasting participants, regardless of the feedback received. By manipulating expectations of success through bogus feedback, the present research adjusts for confounding variables and validates previous findings showing that mental contrasting produces expectancy-dependent goal commitments and performance. Implications for designing interventions to enhance people's creativity are discussed.     

Discriminative activation and maintenance of contingent self-reinforcement

The present experiment studied the process by which environmental events come to exercise some degree of control over the activation of contingent self-reinforcement. Through differential training, animals learned to impose performance requirements for self-reward in certain environmental contexts but not in others. Both contextual influences and periodic negative consequences for noncontingent self-reward increased adherence to response requisites for self-reinforcement.     

The immediate effects of positive and negative feedback signals

Reaction time priming techniques were used in 4 experiments to assess the effects of feedback signals on arousal, response, and attentional processes. The letter A, C, or F served as a priming signal presented 100 ms before a target letter. Emotional value was manipulated by using A, C, and F to reflect good, average, and poor performance on the previous trial. The positive (A), neutral (C), and negative (F) primes did not differ in their effects on arousal. At the response level, positive and neutral primes exerted similar effects, and negative primes led to response inhibition. Regarding attention, positive and negative primes attracted greater attention than neutral primes, with the effect stronger for positive than for negative primes. These effects disappeared when the emotional value of the stimuli was removed, and the effects were not a consequence of expectancies or performance factors extending across trials.