A review, analysis, and some new data on hand-posture distributions in left-handers

Different methods have been employed to assess handwriting posture in left-handers, and different dimensions of hand posture have been used for categorization. Within North American samples, there is a remarkable consistency between studies in the distributions when the same assessment method is used, but there are very large and highly significant differences for different methods of assessment. The various methods and dimensions of categorization evidently index different variables, and these are likely to have different relations with neuropsychological factors. It is possible, however, to gather questionnaire data on handwriting posture that closely resemble direct experimenter observation, as a brief report on left-handed males shows.     

Hand inversion in sinistrals and lateral preference: Comments on Searleman, Porac, and Coren (1984)

A reanalysis of data from left-handers presented by A. Searleman, C. Porac, and S. Coren, (1984, Brain and Cognition, 3, 86–93) cautions against premature conclusions that an inverted handwriting posture is more prevalent for sinistral men with leftward lateral preferences and for women with rightward or mixed lateral preferences. Although this may eventually prove to be true, the findings of Searleman et al. (1984) are insufficient for supporting this inference.     

Quantification and semantic memory

Two models are considered for how people verify explicitly quantified sentences, such as All fathers are parents and Some fathers are parents. The models share the same second stage, but have different first-stage mechanisms. In the Predicate Intersection Model, suggested by Meyer (1970), the first stage involves a serial, self-terminating search among names of categories that intersect the predicate category. In the Feature Comparison Model (Smith, Shoben & Rips, 1974a), the first stage involves evaluating the overall relatedness between the subject and predicate categories by comparing their semantic features. To test the models, three reaction time experiments required subjects to verify statements quantified by Some or All. In the first experiment, the semantic relatedness of categories in false Some-statements was varied. Contrary to predictions of the Predicate Intersection Model, related categories increased reaction time for both true and false Some-statements. While the first experiment revealed that All-statements took longer to verify than comparable Some-statements, the second experiment demonstrated that the All-Some difference can be eliminated by presenting both statement types in the same block of trials, also disconfirming the Predicate Intersection Model. Finally, Experiment III examined the meaning of Some-statements in more detail by having subjects interpret the quantifier Some as “some but not all.” With this interpretation, Some-statements took longer to verify than All-statements. Overall the results support the Feature Comparison Model.     

Right hemisphere superiority in the recognition of famous faces

Words and famous faces were tachistoscopically presented in bilateral view to normal right-handed subjects. A left visual field advantage was obtained for famous faces whether naming or recognition from an array was required and a right visual field advantage was obtained for words. While the finding of a left visual field advantage for the recognition of famous faces is consistent with studies of face recognition deficits in brain-damaged patients, a right visual field advantage for the recognition of famous faces has recently been reported in normal subjects. Possible explanations for this discrepancy are discussed.     

Evidence for direct visual access to letter identities

Subjects were presented with two letters from the set BCDFGHLNPORTVZ, one in upper case and one in lower case. Subjects were required to decide, as quickly as possible, whether the two letters on each trial were the same (e.g., Bb) or different (e.g., Bd). Because letters were always physically different, subjects presumably must name the letters in order to respond. Reaction times were predicted by the visual similarity of the letters, and not by their phonemic distinctive feature similarity. Consistent with previous work showing that a word's meaning can be assessed directly from visual information, the findings suggest that visual analysis of a capital or small letter can result in knowing the latter name without further linguistic processing. These results were interpreted as an example of automatic detection as described by Schneider and Shiffrin (1977).     

Social influence on attitudes and on anchoring of congeneric attitude scales

Criteria for distinguishing between attitude and response scale effects in “after-only” studies of source-recipient discrepancy were developed and applied in two experiments. These criteria refer to congeneric scales (i.e., multiple measures of the the same property, which may differ in origin, unit, and reliability). Persuasive information may function as a scale anchor, in which case it is expected to affect only that response scale to which it directly pertains. Alternatively, it may convice recipients to change attitudinal positions, and produce effects on all congeneric scales. In one experiment, the self-proclaimed leniency-sternness of a presiding judge in a manslaughter case was varied along with the sentence he imposed and his trustworthiness. In the second study, only the sentence was manipulated, while both leniency ratings and sentencing were measured as dependent variables. Both analyses revealed support for the response scale interpretation, in that effects were observed only on those scales that were directly manipulated.     

On signalling that it's your turn to speak

The operation of a “speaker-state signal” in two-person, face-to-face conversations is hypothesized. Display of this signal by an auditor appears to indicate, among other things, that he is claiming the speaking turn, differentiating this action from a “back-channel behavior” by which he merely acknowledges some portion of the speaker's message. The signal also appears to play a part in the resolution of situations in which both participants simultaneously claim the speaking turn. The signal is defined as the display of at least one of a set of four behavioral cues, two in paralanguage and two in body motion.     

Some theorems in haploscopic vision

Three formal hypotheses are specified concerning the combination of neural signals from the two eyes. The hypotheses are (1) that a large uniform light presented to the opposite eye has no effect (independence), (2) that all information from one eye relevant to a given percept (for example, brightness) is encoded by a single neural signal (isolation), and (3) the mutually exclusive and exhaustive alternative to isolation (interaction). Though independence or isolation often has been claimed or simply assumed to hold, these hypotheses imply specific empirical relationships. These relationships are derived for brightness and for equilibrium colors. In addition, one model consistent with the interaction hypothesis is developed. The isolation hypothesis is important for generalizing results from monocular experiments to normal binocular vision. If it is false, monocular results can reflect a combination of one eye's neural signals that never occurs with binocular stimuli.     

Follow-up in classroom behavior modification: Survey and discussion

A survey of several behavior modification journals showed that only 28% of the studies conducted in educational settings reported any follow-up data. Of those studies including follow-up data, 86% reported that therapeutic gains were completely or partially maintained. Follow-up was more often reported and was longer when the subject was an individual or small group than when an entire class served as the subject. More follow-up data were based on direct observation than on anecdotal verbal reports, but the follow-up period was longer when verbal reports were obtained than when direct observation was used. A greater percentage of studies published prior to 1971 than of those published since 1971 included follow-up data. Problems in the methodology and design of follow-up research are discussed.     

The use of natural consequences and a make-up period to eliminate school phobic behavior: A case study

The school-phobic behavior of a seven-year-old male was modified through implementing a program characterized by maximum parental involvement, restructing of natural consequences, and the use of a make-up period. Full-time school attendance was achieved on the sixteenth day of the program. The advantages of using school personnel as monitors and not as disciplinarians of the school-phobic child's behavior are discussed.     

How big is big? Relative and absolute properties in memory

Previous studies of semantic memory have overlooked an important distinction among so-called “property statements”. Statements with relative adjectives (e.g., Flamingos are big) imply a comparison to a standard or reference point associated with an immediate superordinate category (a flamingo is big for a bird), while the truth of statements with absolute adjectives (e.g., Flamingos are pink) is generally independent of such a standard. To examine the psychological consequences of this distinction, we asked subjects in Experiment 1 to verify sentences containing either relative or absolute adjectives embedded in either predicate-adjective (PA) constructions (e.g., A flamingo is big (pink)) or predicate-noun (PN) constructions (e.g. A flamingo is a big (pink) bird), where the predicate noun was the immediate superordinate. Reaction times (RTs) and errors for relative sentences decreased when the superordinate was specified, but remained constant for absolute sentences. These data also suggest that the truth value of relative sentences depends, not just on the superordinate, but also on a more global standard for everyday, human-oriented objects. Experiment 2 extends these results in showing that ratings of the truth of relative sentences are a function of the difference in size between an instance and its superordinate standard (e.g., between the size of a flamingo and that of an average bird) and the difference between the instance and the standard for everyday objects. Experiment 3 replicated these findings using reaction time as the dependent measure.     

The coding and transformation of spatial information

The present paper examines the mental processes involved in inferring perspective changes that result either from the rotation of a spatial array or from the rotation of the viewer of that array. Piaget has shown that viewer-rotation problems are difficult when children must choose among pictures or models of an array from differing perspectives. We showed earlier that, with parallel tasks, array-rotation problems are much easier than viewer-rotation problems. We proposed that in solving these problems, subjects interpret the instructions literally, recoding the position of the viewer vis-à-vis the array for viewer-rotation problems and recoding the array with respect to its spatial framework for arrayrotation problems. At that time, we proposed a second principle to explain why Piagetian perspective problems are so difficult; namely, that children have special difficulty in recoding viewer position (egocentrism). The present experiments show that, when subjects are asked a different sort of question on such tasks, viewer-rotation problems become easy and array-rotation problems become difficult. The results show that the difficulty of the Piagetian perspective task is not due to egocentrism; i.e., to difficulty recoding viewer position. The results of all these rotational-transformation tasks can be explained if we add a different second principle to the principle of literalness of problem interpretation. This new second principle posits that the array is fixed vis-à-vis the spatial context rather than that the viewer is fixed vis-à-vis the array.     

Do open space environments encourage children to seek immediate gratification?

This study evaluated the effects of 14 months' exposure to open space environments on preference for delayed reward. Three hundred eighty-nine pupils in open space and conventional classes in grades 4 and 5 were individually administered one of four tests for delay of gratification. These tests consisted of a choice between an immediate, smaller reward and a delayed, larger reward. Each of the four independent studies found that approximately the same percent of pupils from each educational environment selected the delayed alternative.     

What's in a face: Individual differences in face perception

White and black females judged the similarity of all pairs of white and black male faces. An individual difference multidimensional scaling analysis of the similarity judgments indicated that most of the dimensions underlying the perceptions of male faces involved affective (honest, tense, attractive) characteristics rather than simple physical features (eye width, mouth height). The major physical dimension was face shape (long vs. wide). The dimensions were similar for black and white subjects. An individual difference hypothesis that we pay attention to those characteristics that we possess was partially confirmed.     

Why does memory span increase with age?

Ordered recall of auditory digits was obtained from children of 4, 7, 9, and 11 years of age. Lists had one of three types of sound pattern: melody, prosody, or monotone. For each sound pattern condition, half the lists were temporally grouped. Effects of sound pattern were minor, and not obviously age-specific. Profound effects of temporal grouping and clear-cut primacy effects appeared for all age groups and all conditions. These results render less plausible the popular hypothesis that the increase of memory span with age is due to the emergence of active strategies. It is suggested that the development of span may be due to an increase in the ease with which children can identify the individual items and encode information about their order.     

The effects of exposure duration and practice on the immediate memory spans of children and adults

Immediate memory spans for alphabetic items were determined for second-grade, fifth-grade, and adult subjects. Subjects were tested on three days, ten trials per day at each of three exposure durations: 15, 50, and 200 msec. One half of the subjects were presented with exposure durations in an ascending order, the other half in a descending order. The results indicated that immediate memory span increases with age and practice. The exposure duration effect depended on the order and day in which durations were presented. There was a suggestion that the exposure duration effect was also dependent upon the age and sex of the subject. The ordering of array positions from most accurately reported to least accurately reported was identical for all three age levels, indicating that scanning strategies are well established at an early age.     

The relationship of novelty preferences during infancy to later intelligence and later recognition memory

In the present study, a group of children originally tested for visual novelty preferences at 7 months and seen for estimates of intelligence at 3 years were revisited and tested for intellectual functioning and for visual recognition performance at 5 years. Prediction from performance at 7 months to intellectual functioning at 5 years was significant and remained at the same level as prediction from 7 months to 3 years (r = .42 at each point). In addition, it was shown that data on early novelty preferences could be combined with information on birth-order and parental education to achieve good prediction (R = .65) of five-year IQ scores. A further goal of the present study was to discover if infants' preferences for visual novelty, assumed to be an early measure of visual recognition memory would be more highly associated with later visual recognition performance or with later intellectual level. The results indicate that novelty preferences were more highly related to later intelligence quotients than to later recognition performance and such a pattern of relationships did not to be artificial.     

Delayed recognition memory for orientation by human infants

The familiarization/novelty preference paradigm was employed to study the effect of a delay (between the end of the familiarization phase and the beginning of the test phase) on discrimination of the orientation of square-wave gratings by 2- and 3-month-old human infants. Three stimulus pairs were studied: horizontal-vertical, non-mirror-image obliques, and mirror-image obliques. The data indicate that the members of the oblique-oblique stimulus pairs are confused in memory to a greater extent than the members of the horizontal-vertical stimulus pair. These findings are consistent with P.C. Bomba's (1984, Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 37, 609-636) recent report that infants respond to the orientation of a visual stimulus in a categorical-like manner.     

The form of analog size information in memory

The information used to choose the larger of two objects from memory was investigated in two experiments that compared the effects of a number of variables on the performance of subjects who either were instructed to use imagery in the comparison task or were not so instructed. Subjects instructed to use imagery could perform the task more quickly if they prepared themselves with an image of one of the objects at its normal size, rather than with an image that was abnormally big or small, or no image at all. Such subjects were also subject to substantial selective interference when asked to simultaneously maintain irrelevant images of digits. In contrast, when subjects were not specifically instructed to use imagery to reach their decisions, an initial image at normal size did not produce significantly faster decisions than no image, or a large or small image congruent with the correct decision. The selective interference created by simultaneously imaging digits was reduced for subjects not told to base their size comparisons on imagery. The difficulty of the size discrimination did not interact significantly with any other variable. The results suggest that subjects, unless specifically instructed to use imagery, can compare the size of objects in memory using information more abstract than visual imagery.