Shorter articles and notes the interpretation of the passive voice

It was hypothesized that sentences in the passive voice emphasize the importance of the things referred to by their grammatical subjects to a greater extent than sentences in the active voice. Each subject had to produce simple diagrams to represent two sentences, one active and one passive, and it was assumed that the size of areas in these diagrams could be taken as an index of importance. In Group EQ, the sentences specified an equivalent arrangement of colours, e.g. “Red follows Blue,” “Blue is followed by Red”; in Group CO, they specified converse arrangements, e.g. “Red follows Blue,” “Red is followed by Blue.” The predictions, that (i) the subjects of all sentences would tend to be represented as larger than the objects, and that (ii) the subjects of passives would be represented as larger than those of actives, were confirmed.     

Cognitive overload and orthographic errors: When cognitive overload enhances subject-verb agreement errors. A study in French written language

Three experiments were carried out to test the hypothesis that cognitive overload enhances the occurrence of subject-verb agreement errors in French. Highly educated adults were presented orally with sentences they were required to write down. The sentences were of the types “N1 de N2 V” (Noun 1 of Noun 2 Verb: Le chien des voisins arrive/The neighbours' dog is arriving) versus “Prl Pr2 V” (Pronoun 1 Pronoun 2 Verb: Il les aime/He likes them). In these sentences, N1 (Pr1) and N2 (Pr2) matched or mismatched in number. In the three experiments, the sentences had to be recalled either in an isolated condition (i.e. every presented sentence had to be immediately recalled) or with a concurrent task: click counting (Experiment 2) or serial recall of series of five words presented immediately after the sentences (Experiments 1 and 3). Participants showed errors when performing two concurrent tasks and almost no error when recalling isolated sentences. As expected, errors occurred when N1 (Pr1) and N1 (Pr2) mismatched in number. The results are consistent with our hypothesis and with a functional approach of written composition.     

What kinds of alternative possibilities are required of the folk concept(s) of choice?

Our concept of choice is integral to the way we understand others and ourselves, especially when considering ourselves as free and responsible agents. Despite the importance of this concept, there has been little empirical work on it. In this paper we report four experiments that provide evidence for two concepts of choice—namely, a concept of choice that is operative in the phrase having a choice and another that is operative in the phrase making a choice. The experiments indicate that the two concepts of choice can be differentiated from each other on the basis of the kind of alternatives to which each is sensitive. The results indicate that the folk concept of choice is more nuanced than has been assumed. This new, empirically informed understanding of the folk concept of choice has important implications for debates concerning free will, responsibility, and other debates spanning psychology and philosophy.     

Stimulus Intensity and Attention in Relation to Learning Theory

Three experiments are described which test the hypothesis that the more intense of two stimuli will, ceteris paribus, be more likely to receive attention. It is assumed that an objective behavioural manifestation of attention to a given stimulus is a preference for responding to it rather than to another which is present at the same time.

In all three experiments, successions of pairs of visual stimuli interspersed with single stimuli were presented to the subject, and he was instructed to respond to either (by pressing its corresponding morsekey), but not both, in the case of the pairs. The first two experiments reveal significant tendencies to respond to the larger and the brighter stimulus respectively. In the third experiment, there was a tendency, but a statistically insignificant one, to respond to a constant rather than to a flickering stimulus.

It is shown that the attraction of attention by a more intense stimulus follows from Hull's system with the addition of his new variable, “stimulus-intensity dynamism (V),” and it is suggested that it may thus be possible to add attention to the phenomena that can be integrated with an objective behaviour theory.     

Inspection time: An index for intelligence?

Recent publicity has been given to reports of high correlations between IQ and “inspection time”, a measure derived from simple discrimination which is assumed to provide an estimate of the time taken by a basic component of the decision process. However, this publicity has not recognised that the inclusion of mentally retarded participants in the experiments concerned may have led to inflated correlations, because of the marked extent to which the performance of retarded subjects is inferior to that of nonretarded subjects. Evidence from the performance of nonretarded subjects in three studies suggests that although speed of decision is related to IQ, the degree of association is smaller than recent publicity has suggested. Inspection time does not appear at present to hold promise as an index from which a “culture-fair” measure of intelligence might be derived.     

Definiteness and voice in the interpretation of active and passive sentences

In Experiment I, subjects were given active and passive sentences where the definiteness of nominals is varied and about which uncertainty was expressed, e.g. “I thought that the policeman had been injured by a gangster, but I was mistaken, in fact.”. Their task was to decide what was the target of the mistake by completing freely the sentence in such a way that the account would be corrected. When the nominals are differentially determined (a-the, the-a), the pattern of responses indicates that, for both active and passive, subjects were more likely to conclude that it was the non-definitely marked nominal that had been involved in the mistake rather than the definitely marked one. When both nominals are similarly determined (a-a, the-the), subjects were more likely to indicate the event itself as having been involved in the mistake. This supports the hypothesis that subjects are able to utilize definiteness to determine the relation between presupposed and assertional information. In Experiment II, subjects were given paired active and passive sentences with differentially determined nominals and were required to choose between the two syntactic forms of each pair the one they would prefer to use. The pattern of responses clearly shows that subjects were more likely to choose the voice allowing the hypothesized preferential order “Definitely marked grammatical subject-non-definitely marked grammatical object”. Passive transformational rule is thus interpreted as a particular case of a more general rule specifying the ways in which what is made known (comment) is nested on to what is already assumed to be the case (topic).     

Syntactic form and semantic function

The experiments reported here were designed to investigate the effects on linguistic performance of varying the interaction between the syntactic form of sentences and their semantic function. The experimental task required subjects to decide whether pairs of sentences had the same or a different meaning. The results of Experiment I confirmed the prediction that the times taken to decide about pairs of affirmative and negative sentences would be shorter when the negative was performing its natural function of signalling a change of meaning. To a lesser extent, performance on pairs of active and passive sentences was facilitated when the two sentences meant the same thing. These results were found both with “meaningful” sentence material and with abstract x-y sentences. A second experiment provided a control for the possibility that the results were due to syntactic derivational factors rather than to the semantic function interaction.     

Visual arguments

Three experiments investigated the use of verb argument structure by tracking participants' eye movements across a set of related pictures as they listened to sentences. The assumption was that listeners would naturally look at relevant pictures as they were mentioned or implied. The primary hypothesis was that a verb would implicitly introduce relevant entities (linguistic arguments) that had not yet been mentioned, and thus a picture corresponding to such an entity would draw anticipatory looks. For example, upon hearing ...mother suggested..., participants would look at a potential recipient of the suggestion. The only explicit task was responding to comprehension questions. Experiments 1 and 2 manipulated both the argument structure of the verb and the typicality/co-occurrence frequency of the target argument/adjunct, in order to distinguish between anticipatory looks to arguments specifically and anticipatory looks to pictures that were strongly associated with the verb, but did not have the linguistic status of argument. Experiment 3 manipulated argument status alone. In Experiments 1 and 3, there were more anticipatory looks to potential arguments than to potential adjuncts, beginning about 500 ms after the acoustic onset of the verb. Experiment 2 revealed a main effect of typicality. These findings indicate that both real world knowledge and argument structure guide visual attention within this paradigm, but that argument structure has a privileged status in focusing listener attention on relevant aspects of a visual scene.     

Syntactic structure and the garden path

The experiment investigated locally ambiguous English sentences containing “complement” verbs such as believe, which can be followed either by a direct object or by a complement clause. These two sentence types were compared with unambiguous sentences in which the complement clause was introduced by the word that. Subjects processed numerous examples of these sentences in a word-by-word self-paced reading task. At the disambiguation point after the ambiguous noun phrase, longer reading times were obtained for reduced complement constructions compared with direct object sentences. Such an effect has been attributed to the operation of the parsing principle Minimal Attachment (Frazier and Rayner, 1982). This principle predicts that subjects assume falsely that the noun phrase after the complement verb in the reduced complement constructions is the direct object, resulting in the need for subsequent structural reanalysis. However, longer times in the disambiguating zone were also found for the unambiguous that complements. Thus, the complexity difference seems not to represent “garden-pathing” as a result of the operation of Minimal Attachment, but may instead reflect the extra complexity caused by having to handle two sets of clausal relations instead of just one.     

A discourse on semantic priming

The processing of a word is sometimes affected if earlier words are semantically related to it (semantic “priming”). Priming phenomena have generally been interpreted as reflecting the organization of the mental lexicon. Past studies have shown that priming effects have a very fast rise time and a relatively rapid decay time. This paper investigates the rate of decay of semantic facilitation in both sentences and lists. It was hypothesized that sentence processing involves the construction of a discourse model in which the main topics stay active. If true, then words referring to related objects or events will be processed rapidly even if they occur later in the input, i.e., there will be no decay of facilitation. Three experiments with college students examined the relative time to process a critical word when it was preceded by either a pair of semantically related words or more neutral words. The materials occurred in either sentences or lists, the latter being word-level anagrams of the sentences. Subjects carried out the phonememonitoring task, responding to a word-initial target phoneme that occurred immediately after the critical word. In Experiments I (N = 58) and II (N = 40) 12 words separated the related/neutral words and the critical items. Facilitation in processing the critical word was present in sentences but not in lists. Experiment III (N = 128) showed that the amount of facilitation in sentences was the same when 12 words separated the related/neutral and critical words as when 1.5 words separated them. Thus, there was no evidence obtained here for decay of facilitation in sentences. The results are taken to be consistent with a discourse-model interpretation of semantic facilitation in sentences.     

Perceptions of speakers with minimal eye contact: Implications for stutterers

One hundred and thirty-three college students responded to percentage definitions of “good,” “minimal,” and “no” eye contact. They also judged their perceptions of a speaker with “little or no eye contact” on a semantic differential scale containing 60 polarized adjective pairs regarding personality traits. The majority of the student respondents defined an individual with “good” eye contact as looking at his/her audience/listener 90–100% of the time. This is a more stringent definition than other literature has indicated. Furthermore, speakers with little or no eye contact were judged less favorably on 70% of the items, which indicates that low eye contact adversely affects perceptions of a speaker's personality. Therefore, stutterers need to be made aware of the importance of and determinants of effective eye contact in communication. Also, the development of effective eye contact needs to be incorporated as a major goal in stuttering therapy.     

Reasoning about a rule

Two experiments were carried out to investigate the difficulty of making the contra-positive inference from conditional sentences of the form, “if P then Q.” This inference, that not-P follows from not-Q, requires the transformation of the information presented in the conditional sentence. It is suggested that the difficulty is due to a mental set for expecting a relation of truth, correspondence, or match to hold between sentences and states of affairs. The elicitation of the inference was not facilitated by attempting to induce two kinds of therapy designed to break this set. It is argued that the subjects did not give evidence of having acquired the characteristics of Piaget's “formal operational thought.”     

Functional-anatomical organization of predicate metaphor processing

The bulk of the research on the neural organization of metaphor comprehension has focused on nominal metaphors and the metaphoric relationships between word pairs. By contrast, little work has been conducted on predicate metaphors using verbs of motion such as “The man fell under her spell.” We examined predicate metaphors as compared to literal sentences of motion such as “The child fell under the slide” in an event-related, functional MRI study. Our results demonstrated greater activation in the left inferior frontal cortex and left lateral temporal lobe for predicate metaphors as compared to literal sentences, while no differences were seen in homologous areas of the right hemisphere. We suggest that the results support a neural organization principle for motion processing in which greater abstraction proceeds along a posterior-to-anterior axis within the lateral portion of the left temporal cortex.     

The role of phonology in reading comprehension: Implications of the effects of homophones on processing sentences with referentially dependent categories

Two experiments investigated whether phonological representations are activated in the processing of anaphors in reading, and if they are, whether they play a role in the initial (first-pass) processing of the sentence or in review (second-pass) processes. Subjects made sentence acceptability judgements for sentences that contained either verb-gaps or indefinite and personal pronouns (overt anaphors). All sentences contained homophones. Half of the semantically unacceptable sentences were phonologically plausible if the homophones were inserted in the gap (e.g. The children sleighed in the winter, and the murderer in cold blood) or used as the referent of the pronoun (e.g. There is a sale on at the store and I have one at the boat). The other half of the semantically unacceptable sentences were phonologically implausible. In both experiments, half of the subjects saw the sentences under normal viewing conditions (whole sentence condition); for the other half of the subjects the words of each sentence were presented sequentially in the centre of the video screen at the rate of 250 msec/word (RSVP condition). A large proportion of the phonologically implausible sentences in the first experiment contained phrases in the second clause which resulted in semantic “oddities” (e.g. The children sleighed in the winter, and the murderer in the jar); the sentences in Experiment 2 did not contain such oddities. In Experiment 1 subjects made more errors on the phonologically plausible than implausible unacceptable sentences with both verb-gaps and pronouns in the whole sentence but not in the RSVP condition. There was no effect of phonological plausibility in Experiment 2. As the effect of phonological plausibility was only seen in the whole sentence condition, and only when the sentences contained semantic oddities, these data suggest that phonological information was not used in the first-pass analysis of the sentence, but rather when the subject re-read the sentence to find the referent.     

The gap between inattentional blindness and attentional misdirection

Kuhn and colleagues described a novel attentional misdirection approach (deliberate diversion of attention away from a visually salient stimulus) to investigate overt and covert attention mechanisms in connection with inattentional blindness (not being able to perceive something that is plainly visible because one’s attention has not been focused on it). This misdirection paradigm is valuable to study the temporal relationship between eye movements and visual awareness. Although, as put forth in this comment, the link between attentional misdirection and inattentional blindness needs to be developed further. There are at least four differences between the two paradigms which concern the conceptual aspects of the unexpected object and the methodological aspects of the task design. This highlights the need for a broader theoretical framework incorporating inattentional blindness and overt and covert attention mechanisms. Two possible research lines focusing on the orienting attention research and the “selection-for-action” paradigm are discussed.     

Auditory and visual word-stem completion: Separating data-driven and conceptually driven processes

Two experiments investigated the contributions of data-driven and conceptually driven processing on an implicit word-stem completion task. In Experiment 1, individual words were studied either visually or auditorily and were tested using either visual or auditory word-stems. Keeping modality the same from study to test led to more priming than did changing modality, but there was reliable cross-modal priming. In Experiment 2, subjects read sentences like The boat travelled underwater and inferred the subject noun (i.e. “submarine”) or sentences like The submarine travelled underwater and categorized the subject noun (i.e. “boat”). At test, there was reliable priming for both actually read nouns and inferred nouns. In addition, a modality effect was evident for the actually read nouns but not for the inferred nouns. Taken together, these results imply that there is a basic conceptually driven contribution to priming plus an additional contribution of data-driven processing when surface form is the same at study and test.     

An observation on set and visual comparison processes

Tasks involving the comparison of sequentially presented stimulus items to determine identity have generally only required interpretation in terms of simple matching. Some studies have attempted to show effects of selective set in these tasks but with little success except in tasks involving comparison of sentences with pictures. By simplifying the task a reliable set effect is demonstrated, showing that a mismatch of certain stimulus attributes only has an identifiable effect on a subject's reaction-time if he may reasonably be supposed to know that the attribute is critical and is set to examine stimulus items for the attribute. Such conditions result in a relatively fast judgement. The finding suggests that the sequential “same“/“different” judgement is a richer source of data concerning recognition and comparison than has been supposed.     

Parsing temporarily ambiguous complements

Holmes, Kennedy and Murray (1987) recently claimed that the empirical support for the Minimal Attachment Strategy of sentence parsing had been weakened by results they reported. They found that reading time for an ambiguous string of words did not decrease when it was preceded by an overt complementizer, which should have disambiguated it. Thus, they suggested that results that we (Frazier and Rayner, 1982) earlier attributed to Minimal Attachment were not due to “garden-path” effects, but rather reflected the extra complexity caused by having to process two sets of clausal relations instead of just one. In the present experiment, we replicated their experiment using eye movement data rather than the subject-paced reading task they used. We found that readers processed Nonminimal Attachment sentences with overt complementizers considerably faster than those without a complementizer. Our results showed that the complexity of Nonminimal Attachment sentences cannot be attributed to their clausal status per se. Differences between the tasks that might contribute to the different pattern of results across the experiments are discussed.     

How left inferior frontal cortex participates in syntactic processing: Evidence from aphasia

We report on three experiments that provide a real-time processing perspective on the poor comprehension of Broca’s aphasic patients for non-canonically structured sentences. In the first experiment we presented sentences (via a Cross Modal Lexical Priming (CMLP) paradigm) to Broca’s patients at a normal rate of speech. Unlike the pattern found with unimpaired control participants, we observed a general slowing of lexical activation and a concomitant delay in the formation of syntactic dependencies involving “moved” constituents and empty elements. Our second experiment presented these same sentences at a slower rate of speech. In this circumstance, Broca’s patients formed syntactic dependencies as soon as they were structurally licensed (again, a different pattern from that demonstrated by the unimpaired control group). The third experiment used a sentence-picture matching paradigm to chart Broca’s comprehension for non-canonically structured sentences (presented at both normal and slow rates). Here we observed significantly better scores in the slow rate condition. We discuss these findings in terms of the functional commitment of the left anterior cortical region implicated in Broca’s aphasia and conclude that this region is crucially involved in the formation of syntactically-governed dependency relations, not because it supports knowledge of syntactic dependencies, but rather because it supports the real-time implementation of these specific representations by sustaining, at the least, a lexical activation rise-time parameter.