论"有文化"

邓小平对我们的干部和人民提出的“四有”要求中的“有文化”,是指要有文化知识。掌握文化知识是关系革命和建设事业成败的大事。同时 ,“有文化”在“四有”中具有重要的地位和作用。在当前形势下 ,我们要直面挑战 ,努力提高科学文化素质。     

世纪之交对民主与科学的回顾和展望

近百年来 ,民主与科学在中国的命运 ,可谓历尽曲折坎坷。“五四”先贤校准了中国现代化的“座标” ,认定只有发扬民主 ,提倡科学才是根本救国之道 ,才是现代化的必由之路。由此掀起一场思想文化启蒙与理性觉醒的运动。然而 ,传统社会凭借其强大惰性力 ,变换种种形式 ,对“德、赛”两先生作了极其顽强的抵制 ,使两者长期处于幽禁状态。中国是继续贫弱下去 ,还是走向富强、崛起 ?中国能否迈入发达工业文明社会的行列 ,实现真正的现代化 ?从十一届三中全会以来改革开放的实践及巨大成就中 ,我们找到了问题的答案。     

文化全球化视野中的儒学与东亚现代化--以日本、亚洲"四小龙"为研究中心

在“文化全球化”和“后现代”话语时代的今天,重新审视儒学与现代化的关系,是一个老调重弹而又值得旧话重提的理论和现实问题。本文通过对“文化全球化”与现代化理论,特别是儒学在东亚社会现代化进程中所起不同作用的梳理、厘定和分析,认为社会发展的连续性和文化的历史继承性决定了儒学与现代化之间既有对立的一面,更有相通的一面。儒学在东亚现代化进程中扮演的角色并非始终如一,而是在不同时期、不同阶段、不同国家有着不同的表现,大体是随着东亚现代化的启动、发展而由现代化的阻碍力量发展成积极的推动力量。既使在东亚现代化之初,儒学传统也不曾完全地退出历史舞台,儒学在东亚国家实现从传统到现代的转变过程中的作用也是不可否认的。随着社会的发展,世界各种文化之间广泛的互动交往、交流、对话,儒学将在面对更多挑战的同时,迎来更多的发展机遇。因而,儒学在东亚现代化的进一步发展进程中亦将发挥更大的作用,并在东亚社会转型、文化现代转换中积极创新,走向世界。     

“开新”还须“返本”:现代新儒家一个基本信念析论

现代新儒学思潮肇始于“五四”时代,是对新文化运动全盘反传统所作的保守性回应。 新儒家学者自觉作为现代化实质内涵的科学和民主,是不可抗拒的时代潮流,更是中国社会能否走出中世纪、迈向现代化的关键一步。他们严厉批评腐儒冬烘们的顽固不化,指出科学和民主这两种精神“完全是对的”,应“无条件承认”。梁漱溟坦诚宣布:“我有一个最大的责任,即为替中国儒家作一个说明,开出一个与现代学术接头的机会”。可见,问题不在于要不要科学和民主,而在于如何要科学和民主,如何在保持民族文化自主性前提下消化、整合、涵育这些现代内容。     

人格理论的走向:从"本土化"到"大众化"

立足科学“大众化”的理念,对于不同文化传统的人群来说,要求与人的“非物质属性”(精神)相关的所有学科走向“本土化”。使久浸在“西方化”气氛中的人格研究从追求“国际性”转向“本土化”,当是现代心理学走向“大众化”的第一步。     

"诚信"问题的文化比较思考

在阐释中国古代典籍的“诚信”词语和文化涵义的基础上 ,本文通过对“诚信”的文化比较的解读 ,指出中国当代的诚信危机问题与中国传统文化影响有密切的关系。本文认为 ,应该通过文化表征物的改造 ,通过中国传统文化的创造性转化 ,以修宪、文化教育和政府的表率楷模作用来解决当前中国的诚信危机问题。     

井上圆了与蔡元培宗教思想的比较研究

中国近代著名思想家蔡元培早期曾致力于从日本引进西方近代学术,尤其是在关于哲学与宗教、宗教与科学的关系等问题上深受日本近代佛教哲学家井上圆了的启发.但井上是以“科学”的方法和“哲学”的逻辑来论证“宗教”特别是佛教的意义和价值,而蔡元培无论是主张“佛教护国”论还是“科学救国”论,都是以把中国建设为科学与民主的现代化强国这一政治诉求作为出发点.蔡元培与井上圆了的宗教观是他们各自所处的历史背景和社会条件的折射与反映.     

首届"科学文化研讨会"述要

近年来 ,科学文化一词频频出现在大众传媒。而对于什么是科学文化 ,如何理解科学文化、如何更好地从事科学传播 ,存在着各种意见和看法。 2 0 0 2年 1 1月 2 1～ 2 2日 ,京沪两地从事科学文化研究的学者聚集上海 ,举行了首届“科学文化研讨会” ,就科学文化的一些基本问题进行了讨论。科学文化具有思想和实践两方面的意义。对科学文化的理解固然可以不同 ,但是与会学者一致认为 :需要从思想层面 (包括人文的和科学的角度 )和社会实践层面对科学和技术的文化意义进行反思 ;需要发展多角度、多层面的科学文化 ,包括传统科普(知识性科普 )、“…     

学术与社会：中国逻辑思想研究发轫的双重特征

“救亡图存”是近代中国社会的历史主题，“学术救国”是其中一个重要构成。严复、刘师培、陈启天等学者从学术救国角度出发，在民族自救的社会运动中发现“中国逻辑”的存在，并对其合法性展开论证，最终确认其存在并且是世界三大逻辑源流之一。回顾并反思这一历史过程，我们能够发现学术救国目的下的中国逻辑思想研究受民族情感影响，具有学术与社会的双重特征。这两种特征一方面推动了“中国逻辑”身份的确认，另一方面又限制了“中国逻辑”研究的进一步深入。     

论科学之"善"

科学之“善”最深层次的内涵乃是现代科学在本性上所具有的“优越”,而科学的自成目的使一种纯粹的科学活动成为可能,这是科学因其自身而固有的善。科学之“福利”与科学之“德性”(智慧),是在“对人有用”或“令人愉悦”的意义上而成为“善”的。在科学之“善”的概念内涵中有异常明显的两难。只有当我们真实地注意到那在科学的实际进展中愈来愈令人不安同时又是不可回避之物之时,科学才可能是优越的、自由的(自成目的)、有用的、令人愉悦的。     

Educational risk factors for psychological truancy in Lesotho: a qualitative exploration

A qualitative case study design was used to explore educational risk factors that may contribute to psychological truancy in a Lesotho secondary school. Purposively sampled teachers (n = 4, females = 50%) and pupils (n = 4, females = 75%), who have experience of psychological truancy, took part in a focus group and individual interviews. Inductive content analysis was used to analyse data emanating from the interviews. The findings indicate that pupil–teacher relationships, the use of English as medium of instruction and a lack of resources may be educational risk factors contributing to psychological truancy. Positive pupil–teacher relationships and active classroom engagement are prerequisites for successful and active learning.     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.     

The End of the Solidly Democratic South: The Impressionable‐Years Hypothesis

The partisan realignment of the White South, which transformed this region from being solidly Democratic to being the base of the Republican Party, has been the focus of much scholarship. Exactly how it occurred is unclear. Widespread individual‐level attitude changes would be contrary to the well‐known within‐person stability of party identification. However, according to the impressionable‐years hypothesis, events that occur during adolescence and early adulthood may have a lasting impact on later political attitudes. This would suggest that cohort replacement may be driving partisan realignment. We test this possibility using data from the American National Election Studies from 1960 to 2008. Consistent with the impressionable‐years hypothesis, Southern Whites from the pre‐Civil Rights cohort (born before 1936) maintained their Democratic Party identification longer than their younger counterparts. However, all cohorts in the South have changed their partisan attitudes at comparable rates over time, contrary to the impressionable‐years hypothesis. These data suggest that the partisan realignment of the South was driven by both cohort replacement and within‐cohort attitude change. More targeted case studies of older cohorts living through the civil rights era, and of younger cohorts in the post‐Reagan era, yield results generally consistent with the impressionable‐years hypothesis. More generally, our findings suggest that very large scale events are required to disrupt the normal continuity of party identification across the life span.     

Religion and local politics in Southern Europe: a research agenda

This article brings to a conclusion the series of three special sections published in 2015 and 2016 by Religion, State and Society on ‘Religion and local politics in southern Europe’. We set up a research agenda on the interactions between religion and local politics in Southern Europe. In doing so, we focus on the localisation of religion, including religious debates, and on the impact of the recent economic crisis. More specifically, we address the local as a contested concept, the multilevel governance of religion as a scalar opportunity structure – in relation to the transnational dimension of religious actors – the effects of such changes in the welfare landscape and the impact of the economic crisis on the activities and strategies of religious actors in Southern Europe. Our research agenda focuses on the interactions between two main dimensions: the territorial impact of political and economic changes, and the multiscalar schemes of territorial governance.     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.