论象数易学之正说

之正说,是《周易》象数一个重要内容。象数易学家为了达到以象注易的目的,极力推演《周易》固有之象,“互体不足,遂及卦变,变又不足,推致五行”(弼《周易略例·明象》),……象中有象,象外生象,使易学变成繁琐的象数之学。之正说正是在这个象的增殖和繁衍中产生,并和其它象数思想一起构成庞大的象数体系。本文试图阐述由《易传》当位说、失位说到汉末虞氏之正说的转变,揭示二者内在关系、之正说的价值及在易学发展史上的地位。不当之处,还请方家不吝赐教。     

桓谭易学思想初探

汉代桓谭不仅是著名的思想家、科学家, 也是易学史上的重要人物。关于易学本身的一些具体问题,桓谭曾提出了自己的独到见解。他的易学思想是与其对道家黄老之说的吸收、借鉴密不可分的,并凸显出汉代道家思想的演变和发展轨迹, 在中国易学史、思想文化史上意义重大。他对 《周易》的宗教巫术形式持否定态度, 对与此密切相联的谶纬神学以及天人感应、灾异谴告之说多予批判。他本于 《周易》, 生发了深广的忧患意识, 同时继承、发挥《易传》的太和、中正思想, 热切追求社会和谐乃至天人之间的整体和谐, 从而进一步将易学运用到社会政治领域。桓谭易学思想表现出一种兼容并包、综合融会的风格和旨趣, 这是深受《易传》百虑一致、殊途同归之旨沾溉和影响的结果。     

论丁若镛“推移说”与汉宋易学——兼论朱熹、毛奇龄推移说对丁若镛的影响CSSCI

丁若镛是李朝朝鲜时期的易学家。他通过解释《易传》和汉宋卦变而提出"推移说"。此说的基本内涵是以汉代卦气说十二辟卦和中孚小过闰月卦之推移,变出其他五十衍卦,融卦气与筮法为一体,整合了汉易中的卦变法尤其是清代毛奇龄移易说,又吸收了宋代以朱熹为代表的卦变说。应该说其学是在融合汉宋卦变说基础上而建构起的一种具有新意的学说,是对于中国古代卦变说的整合和发展,拓展了象数易学研究的思路。此说以独特的符号话语阐发了易学中阴阳聚散、升降、消息、推移等变化思想,客观呈显了自然界阴阳变化的不同形式和表现特征,深化了中国古代以变化为核心的自然哲学思想。     

耶律楚材与易学

作为汉化了的少数民族知识分子,耶律楚材在金元之际的历史进程中发挥了比较重要的作用。通过对耶律楚材的家学渊源、人生经历以及易学思想的梳理,可见以易学为基调的家学传统影响了耶律楚材的世界观和人生观的形成及其文学创作理念。通过言为心声的文学作品,可以从中把握他的易学思想梗概。     

晏子与古代易学

晏子是春秋时期重要的政治家、思想家,晏子的思想和事迹在中国古代有着重要的影响。易学是中国历代学者解读《周易》而形成的一门学术,易学在中国古代属于显学,在中国古代学术领域有着非常重要的地位。由于晏子在中国古代有着重要的影响,古代一些易学家就会引用晏子的思想和事迹来解读《周易》的文本。晏子在古代易学领域的影响主要体现在三个方面：古代易学领域对晏子事君之道的称许;古代易学著作对晏子和同观的发展;古代易学领域对晏子的节俭观念的评价。深入研究晏子对古代易学的影响,对于理解晏子其人、其事、其思想在中国传统文化中的影响有着积极的价值。     

《易纬·乾凿度》象数体例初探——以卦气说、爻辰说为例

《易纬·乾凿度》作为汉代《易纬》之中的首篇,集中反映了《易纬》往解与诠释《周易》的精神:一方面,其在卦气、爻辰等注《易》体例上展现着时代的痕迹;另一方面,其又有着丰富的自身特色,特别是其卦气之说对于孟、京的发挥,爻辰之说对于泰、否两卦的处理,都有着很好的研究价值.同时,通过解读《易纬》的文字,对于我们更好地认识西汉易学,亦有着十分重要的意义.     

同象数别义理:《太玄》与孟京易学

易学史上对《太玄》与孟京易学关系的探究,受到两个有争议问题的影响:一是《易纬.稽览图》和孟京《易》的先后关系,一是《太玄》源于孟京《易》还是源于《易纬》。本文以《太玄》为基点,在尝试解决"争议"的基础上,具体探究《太玄》象数构建如何取于孟、京卦气说,其义理阐释又如何别于孟、京灾异说。     

论虞翻卦变说对若镛易学之影响

易学卦变说源于《易传》,始成于汉末虞翻。丁若镛推崇汉易,接受了虞翻的卦变说。虞氏卦变说是丁氏卦变说(推移说)重要的理论来源。无论是其推移说具体内容,还是其整体架构,都可以看到虞翻卦变说对于丁若镛的影响。但是丁若镛并未照搬虞氏卦变说,而是发现了虞氏卦变说存在的问题,并提出深刻的批评;又通过检讨和整合了朱熹、毛奇龄等人卦变说,形成了融历法、筮法、易象为一体的独特卦变体系。因此,丁若镛卦变说本之虞氏,却又与虞翻卦变说有本质区别。丁氏卦变说,以中国古代历法为依据,其内容显得更为合理。又修正了虞翻等人的卦变说缺陷,其逻辑更为条理清晰。故他丰富和发展了虞翻乃至中国古代整个易学史上的卦变说。     

《太平经》易学思想渊源考论

《太平经》是早期道教重要文献,易学思想是其中很重要的一部分。《太平经》中共有38处直接引用《周易》经传原文或化用了易理,《周易》中的天数地数学说则是《太平经》中世界构造的理论依据之一。《太平经》又吸收借鉴了京房易学的阴阳消长理论来阐释世界万物的运行,并以八卦休王说对其世界运行观念作了补充。汉代易学中的爻辰说、八卦方位、十二辟卦学说也为《太平经》解释世界提供了一些依据。《太平经》借易学符号而提出了重德轻刑的政治观点。     

论春秋时期卜史阶层的易学特点

《周易》是春秋占断预测系统中的一种,本由卜史之官掌管。春秋中晚期,卜史阶层的地位始有较大变动,知识贵族对易学的参与,打破了卜史阶层对易学的垄断。但卜史阶层的易学"道术未分",混融了传统天官、史官、卜筮等多种学问。他们开创的易学格局,直到西汉数术易学兴起后,才真正有所改观。     

卦象说初探

象是象数易学的一个重要范畴,爻象、卦象是解易的重要工具之一.卦象不仅是理解<周易>卦爻辞的根本,也是春秋筮法占断的主要依据.从春秋时期<左传>、<国语>简单的卦象,到战国时期<易传>稍具形态的卦象说,再到汉代繁杂的逸象说,卦象说的形成经历了一个漫长的历史过程,并在不同时期对易学的发展产生了不同的影响.     

Freud and Jung: an incomplete encounter

The author discusses the bases of the close, personal and professional relationship between Freud and Jung, and conjectures that the eventual schism between them was the result of the different profound psychological needs that each had for the other. Because of his identification with the psychoanalytic enquiry, particularly as it was based in large measure on his own self analysis, Freud looked to Jung as a collaborator who would not deviate from the principles at the basis of psychoanalysis, seeking psychoanalysis' acceptance within the established scientific community. From Jung's point of view, Freud fulfilled the role of a respected father figure who, Jung hoped, would grant him the autonomy and freedom to pursue his own scientific enquiry, based on Freud's ideas, but which he would revise according to his own researches. These led Jung to certain revisions and additions, such as the nature and function of the libido, the broadening of the idea of the complex (as in the Oedipus complex) to include a number of universal, archetypal themes, and the elaboration of the concept of the self. During the years of their relationship, they shared a mutual psychological support which was deeply important to each, based on reciprocal love and respect but also on a fantasy that each would be able to supply to the other a key capacity that the other lacked. Jung was able to offer important scientific verifications of a number of psychoanalytic notions via the Word Association Test, such as the concept of repression, of the complex, including the Oedipus complex, and the proof of the existence of the unconscious. However, neither could supply to the other what each looked for in the other at the psychological level. The final breakdown and rupture in their relationship was caused by their theoretical differences and by the fact that they became bitter competitors in a race to publish treatises on the nature and origins of spirituality and religion. It has left in its wake the implicit traces of discord and misapprehension which have characterized much of subsequent professional relationships between the two traditions.     

关于帛书《易之义》解说坤卦卦爻辞之文义的辨正

用<说卦传>的八卦方位说或汉易卦气说去解说<周易>坤卦卦辞,都会遇到岁时和方位逆行的问题,这是违背八卦方位与卦气原理的.这表明有学者据帛书<易之义>中"岁之义"的说法推断<周易>本经中有卦气思想的看法是行不通的.细考帛书原文,其"岁之义,始于东北,成于西南"一句其实本非解说坤辞"西南得朋,东北丧朋"的,而是解说初六爻辞的.而就爻辞"履霜坚冰至"一语本身而言,我们无法从中看出什么方位问题,传本<易传>亦无此类解读,故帛书有关"岁之义"的说法只能视为帛书制作时代的观念.     

上海博物馆藏战国楚竹书《周易》的"首符"与"尾符"

楚竹书《周易》首符、尾符所使用的方形结构,由内、中、外三层构成.依此三层结构进行分类,首、尾符号可以分为九种.将这九种符号和今本《周易》卦序非覆即变三十六卦图相对应,我们发现正好可以按四卦画一组,分为九组或九宫.假定楚竹书《周易》卦序确由九宫构成,则其与今本《周易》卦序有着密切的继承关系,但也有重要区别,其分宫法与一般以八经卦为基础的分宫法也不相同.楚竹书首、尾符号的设置,还反映出这样一种认识或意识,即一个卦,是由"卦画、卦名"和"卦辞、爻辞"两个部分构成的.     

中国古代逻辑方法论的源头——《周易》逻辑方法论探析

《周易》的卦爻符号系统及其语义说明,已经使用了一定的逻辑方法．建立在阴阳两爻这种初始语言上的符号系统,有一套自定的格式语言和规则．《周易》中的其他逻辑方法,如关于“象”的方法,关于“辞”的方法,关于“取象比类”的方法,都有其正确、合理的方面,但也都有随意性的缺憾．这些逻辑方法,奠定了中国传统思维模式的源头基础,应当成为中国古代逻辑思想史研究领域的一个课题．     

略论刘一明《西游原旨》对卦爻象的运用

刘一明所著《西游原旨》,以"金丹大道"贯通全书,是清代《西游记》研究的集大成之作.由于"金丹"之道的理论基础是《周易参同契》所构建的象数易理体系,因此,揭示《西游记》与象数易理的内在关系,成为刘一明《西游原旨》的核心内容.本文从"人"、"名"、"数"、"事"四个方面,对《西游原旨》中卦爻象的运用进行了简要分析,以期弥补这方面研究的空白.     

From Copenhagen to the consulting room: Pauli and Jung in Copenhagen

In this paper the city of Copenhagen is used as a starting point to highlight some critical historical events, both concerning the exchange of ideas between the physicist Wolfgang Pauli and C.G. Jung and the history of psychotherapy in Scandinavia. Pauli's years in Copenhagen under the influence of Niels Bohr and his philosophy prepared him mentally to receiveC.G. Jung's ideas. The paper also recounts the one occasion that Jung was in Scandinavia, attending the 9th conference of the General Medical Society for Psychotherapy in Copenhagen, just before going to New York in 1937 to give his final seminars on Pauli's dreams. The reason for focusing on these particular events is that they also constitute part of the history of the reception of psychodynamic psychology in Sweden and Scandinavia.     

论《易纬》对《周易》经传的阐释

纬书是相对经书而言的,因此,纬书中有很多内容是阐发和解释经书的。《易纬》是纬书的一种,对《周易》经传阐发和解释也是《易纬》的一个重要内容。在内容阐发上,其对《周易》的起源、作者以及乾坤二卦和象数等方面提出了与众不同的看法;在经文解释上,其对《周易》的经文作了直接的解释。由此我们可以看出《易纬》与汉代其它易学学派不同的易学观。     

Jung, Evans-Wentz and various other gurus

How did Jung become deeply concerned with Asian religions and particularly with the Tibetan Buddhism of a Welshman from Trenton, New Jersey? Could that man be considered one of Jung's gurus? This essay begins six years after Jung, at twenty, was admitted to the medical school of Basel University and became a member of the Zofingiaverein, a student society. The next year he gave the first of a series of lectures on the interpretation of Christ as the model of the ‘god-man’, like the Apostle Paul, Confucius, Zoroaster and the Buddha, who was ‘drummed into the Hindu boy’. (Jung's Zofingia Lectures were discovered only after his death, in 1961, and were published in English in 1983). The present essay discusses Jung's early Buddhist interest as displayed in The Psychology of the Unconscious (finally, in a revision, entitled Symbols of Transformation), in Psychological Types and later in his foreword of the Wilhelm translation of the I Ching. Jung was influenced by the gurus Richard Wilhelm and his son Hellmut, the scholar J. W. Hauer (with whom he later broke off relations because of Hauer's Nazi politics), the indologist Heinrich Zimmer, and the Zen master D. T. Suzuki. Walter Yeeling Wentz was born in Trenton in 1878 and brought up in his family's theosophist faith. The Wentzes moved to San Diego in 1900, and Walter added his mother's Celtic surname, Evans, to the German Wentz. He was educated at Stanford University and travelled in Europe, studying Celtic folklore, and widely in the Near East, Tibet, India, and Oxford – studying religions everywhere and editing Tibetan books. He lived his last decades in San Diego and conducted a correspondence with Jung, while living in a cheap hotel, or in an ashram.     

The correspondence between Erich Neumann and C.G. Jung on the occasion of the November pogroms, 1938

In the light of recently‐published correspondence between Jung and Neumann, this paper considers and connects two aspects of their relationship: Jung's theory of an ethno‐specific differentiation of the unconscious as formulated in 1934, and the relationship between Jung and Neumann at the beginning of the Holocaust in 1938–with Jung as the wise old man and a father figure on one hand, and Neumann as the apprentice and dependent son on the other. In examining these two issues, a detailed interpretation of four letters, two by Neumann and two by Jung, written in 1938 and 1939, is given. Neumann's reflections on the collective Jewish determination in the face of the November pogroms in 1938 led Jung to modify his view, with relativization and secularization of his former position. This shift precipitated a deep crisis with feelings of disorientation and desertion in Neumann; the paper discusses how a negative father complex was then constellated and imaged in a dream. After years of silence, the two men were able to renew the deep bonds that characterized their lifelong friendship.