Increased choice of female phonetic attributes in first names

The phonetic gender score is a new quantitative scale that was applied to the spoken sounds of first names. Popular names of females have predominantly positive scores, and popular names of males have predominantly negative scores. Mean phonetic gender scores were higher in 1990 than in 1960 for the 25 most frequent names given to females and males born in Pennsylvania. Choices of names were more diverse for females than males in both years and in 1990 than 1960 for both genders. The increased choice in 1990 of attributes associated with females may indicate greater acceptance of female characteristics in 1990 than in 1960. In 1990 the most numerous racial minority, African Americans, constituted 15% of the births but only 5% of the females and 7% of the males given the 25 most frequent names.     

Impressions of people with gender-ambiguous male or female first names

Undergraduates (12 men, 12 women) read a scenario in which they formed an impression of nine people who had left their first name on an answering machine. Participants rated the extent to which seven characteristics (Ethical, Caring, Popular, Cheerful, Successful, Masculine, Feminine) applied to people whose first names were gender-ambiguous (e.g., Chris), male (e.g., Ken) or female (e.g., Pam). People with gender-ambiguous names were rated less Ethical than those with female names, and people with gender-ambiguous names and male names were rated less Caring, less Cheerful, and less Feminine than those with female names. These results are consistent with the idea that there is a bias towards assuming that a person of unspecified sex is a male.     

The effect of first names on perceptions of female attractiveness

The effect of a female's first name on subsequent judgments of her attractiveness was investigated via a Latin square design. The results indicated that the impact of a desirable or undesirable first name on attractiveness is minimal—less than 1% of the explained variance. These results appear to be a consistent extension of earlier findings on the impact of first names.An earlier version of this article was competitively selected to be presented at the fifth annual Communication, Language, and Gender Conference, Athens, Ohio, October 15–16, 1982. The authors are indebted to Lee Ann Bryan, Paul Cox, Karen Farnsworth, Karen Lemon, and Kelly Sisson for assistance in data gathering.     

Sex-role expectations of socially desirable first names

This study was an attempt to investigate the relationship between child-naming practices and the perpetuation of traditional sex-role expectations of masculine and feminine behaviors. It was hypothesized that desirable male and female first names would be rated as more sex-typed the more frequently they occurred in the culture. No relationship on a cross-sex-typed effect was predicted for undesirable first names. Psychology undergraduates (N=149) nominated desirable and undesirable male and female first names. The frequency of nomination was correlated with ratings of masculinity or femininity of the names, and the results supported the hypotheses. A significant correlation was found between frequency and degree of stereotypy of first names rated as desirable, but no effect was found for undesirable first names. These results were discussed in terms of role-conflict theory. Secondary issues raised were the use of androgynous first names and the effects of first names on affirmative action procedures.     

Gender and the phonology of north American first names

This study elicited given and preferred first names from 222 females and 267 male respondents to investigate potential sex-associated features in the structural characteristics of names. Female given names were found to manifest significantly more sounds and syllables, more frequently vary the position of stressed syllable, and more often conclude in a vowel or sonorant sound than male names. In comparison with given names, both female and male preferred names moved in the direction of a potentially ideal structure consisting of a monosyllable that ends in a consonant. The rate of the shift was much less pronounced for female than for male preferred names.The authors would like to thank Bruce Boling for serving as reliability coder.     

First names and first impressions: A fragile relationship

Given only first names, reliable differences are found in guesses about personal characteristics. It was hypothesized that this finding is strongly dependent on the lack of interference from competing information. Therefore such first-name effects should be fragile in that, if a subject is exposed to additional and relevant material, the differential effect of a first name would be mitigated. This interpretation was tested by exposing one group of subjects to a set of good and bad male first names, while a second group encountered the same names accompanied by photographs. The results showed that there was a replication of previously reported differences between these good and bad names if no photograph was present, but the addition of the photograph blocked the differential effect of first names. The results paralleled a similar finding with female first names. Overall, the results argue against too much emphasis on the possible deleterious effects of a particular first name.     

The involvement of letter names in the silent processing of isolated letters: A developmental perspective

This study was designed to clarify the nature of the mental representations underlying the processing of letters. A total of 96 Hebrew readers randomly recruited from three levels of education were asked to make rapid same/different judgments for Hebrew letter dyads with monosyllabic and bisyllabic names. The results obtained from the performance of participants under perceptual and conceptual processing conditions suggest that Hebrew readers access nominal letter representations in order to mediate letter processing in tasks that cannot be resolved on the basis of a sheer perceptual analysis of the letters?? visual properties. The finding that the retrieval of nominal letter representations was evident for participants who differed rather markedly in their letter-processing speeds highlights the central role of letter names in the processing of isolated letters.     

Learning to label letters by sounds or names: a comparison of England and the United States

Learning about letters is an important foundation for literacy development. Should children be taught to label letters by conventional names, such as /bi/ for b, or by sounds, such as /b/? We queried parents and teachers, finding that those in the United States stress letter names with young children, whereas those in England begin with sounds. Looking at 5- to 7-year-olds in the two countries, we found that U.S. children were better at providing the names of letters than were English children. English children outperformed U.S. children on letter-sound tasks, and differences between children in the two countries declined with age. We further found that children use the first-learned set of labels to inform the learning of the second set. As a result, English and U.S. children made different types of errors in letter-name and letter-sound tasks. The children's invented spellings also differed in ways reflecting the labels they used for letters.     

Characteristics attributed to individuals on the basis of their first names

Characteristics connoted by first names were explored in 7 studies. Four factors were identified: Ethical Caring, Popular Fun, Successful, and Masculine-Feminine (Study 1, N = 165). Men's names connoted more masculine characteristics, less ethical caring, and more successful characteristics than did women's names (Study 2, N = 274). Nicknames connoted less successful characteristics, more popular fun, and less ethical caring characteristics than did given names (Study 3, N = 289). Androgynous names connoted more popular fun and less masculine characteristics for men and more popular fun, less ethical caring, and more masculine characteristics for women than did gender-specific names (Study 4, N = 378). Less conventionally spelled names connoted uniformly less attractive characteristics (Study 5, N = 145). For men only, longer names connoted more ethical caring, less popular fun, more successful, and less masculine characteristics (Study 6, N = 620). More anxiety and neuroticism were attributed to those with less common names and more exuberance was attributed to those with more attractive names (Study 7, N = 137).     

Three female roles in television commercials

We analyze 307 television commercials' depiction of three female roles. The maternal and housekeeping roles encase women in the family. The aesthetic role of beautification enhances women's individuality. The imagery of commercials suggests effects of the technological rationalization of housework and the hedonistic consumer ideology: Women's autonomy is reduced as men become the technical experts on housework, the role of the mother as moral socializer is eroded, and children become self-centered consumers without family responsibilities. The family rarely appears as a close social unit, but is shown as a loose-knit collection of people held together by the wife-mother who supplies their separate wants. Commercials portray generational and sex-role differentiation greater than exist in the real world.This article is a revision of a paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, San Francisco, September 1978. The authors are indebted to Milton C. Albrecht, E. Barbara Phillips, Ida Harper Simpson, Gaye Tuchman, and an anonymous reviewer for comments on earlier drafts, and to Ann R. Tickamyer for assistance.     

Performance and reaction times in monaural localization of first names in the horizontal plane

Many studies have been conducted to measure monaural azimuthal sound localization performance with different sounds varying in frequency and complexity, but few have used linguistic stimuli. The present experimental design used subjects' first names in a monaural azimuthal localization task. Analysis of response accuracy showed that subjects are not more accurate in localizing their own first name than in localizing other first names and that there was no significant advantage of one ear over another. Reaction times were shorter when the subjects localized their own first name than when they localized any other first names and there was no significant ear advantage, but localizing other first names took more time with the right than with the left ear. All stimuli were better and more quickly localized on the side of the open ear, and there was no difference in acuity or velocity of localization with the two different speaker voices used. These results suggest that first names are processed through the controlateral auditory pathway and can be analyzed in the right hemisphere.     

Regina Jonas: forgetting and remembering the first female rabbi

Regina Jonas (1902–44), who was ordained in Germany in 1935, is now widely recognised as the world's first female rabbi. However, for almost 50 years after her death at Auschwitz in 1944, she was given very little, if any, public recognition. Based on archival research, interviews and critical engagement with secondary literature, this paper investigates a range of explanations why Jonas was nearly lost to historiography. It also considers the circumstances of the rediscovery of this controversial figure in the early 1990s and explores how she is remembered today. This paper raises important issues in relation to historiography and the connection between processes of remembering, forgetting and identity formation, particularly in relation to the history of the ordination of female rabbis and the history of Jewish communities in Germany.     

The accessibility of characters in single sentences: proper names,common nouns,and first mention

Accessibility of characters in two-character sentences (e.g., The butler helped Calvin at the wedding reception) was investigated with a probe recognition task. Probes were either the first character (e.g., butler) or the second character (e.g., Calvin) in a sentence and were designated by proper names or common nouns crossed with name or noun nonprobes. Results show that (1) probes in first position are more accessible than those in second position, but not when noun probes are paired with name nonprobes, (2) characters designated by names are generally more accessible than those designated by nouns, and (3) the first name in a sentence is more available than other characters, regardless of position. Thus, accessibility of characters in a sentence seems dependent on discourse function, with named characters seen as main characters, rather than on nondiscourse-related factors, such as temporal distinctiveness.     

The process of cognitive therapy: The first dysfunctional thought changes less than the last one

An observant cognitive therapy patient reported that the first dysfunctional thought elicited and treated in homework sessions was more resistant to change than later distorted thoughts. To determine whether this was due to the fact that this thought was elicited first, or to the fact that it was treated first, systematic data were collected from 9 patients in 48 sessions of cognitive therapy. In half of these sessions, dysfunctional thoughts were treated in the order they were elicited; in half of the sessions, they were treated in the reverse order. Results showed that the first dysfunctional thought elicited changed least; there was no effect of order of treatment. Several possible explanations of this finding are offered.