戴震论认识与情欲

本文主要探讨戴震关于认识和情欲的心理思想。在认识心理思想方面,主要从三个观点、关于感知、关于心知、关于感知与心知的关系等四个方面加以论述。在情欲心理思想方面,主要从两个观点、关于情、关于欲、关于对待情欲的主张等四个方面加以论述。     

庄子情欲本质及其调节的心理思想管窥

情欲是中国古代心理学思想研究的重要范畴,是关系密切但又各有所指的两个范畴。庄子指出情欲对人的身心健康具负面影响,提出许多关于情欲本质及其调节的心理思想。本文分析和总结了庄子的情欲本质观和调节观,这些思想对今天人们实施情欲心理调节仍有重要借鉴价值。     

《老子河上公章句》的情欲论思想探析

《老子河上公注》以养生长寿为目的,立足于精气神并重的整体生命观,从精神活动的虚静与烦乱、中正与偏颇、内向与外向等不同的角度深入分析了情欲对人精神的完整性的破坏,主张除情去欲,并提出了以大道制御情欲的情欲调节思想方法,形成了系统的情欲论思想。这些思想对后世道教心性论的发展有一定影响。     

刘劭的心理学思想研究

着重讨论了刘劭四个方面的心理学思想,即心理学思想的基本观点,情欲心理思想,智能心理思想,性格心理思想。     

戴震的道德絮情理论及其普遍正义原则

在诸多戴震道德哲学诠释中,"达情遂欲"的情欲主义、"能知故善"的理性主义抑或"遂其群生"的功利主义皆有之。这些诠释可能都没有触及到戴震道德哲学的真谛。戴震论"心"既有"知"也有"情",论"情"既讲自然情欲也讲道德情感。在戴震看来,人类顺承天地生生之德,在孟子"不忍人之心"这一纯粹内在"反思性情感"的自主驱动之下,通过"自求其情""以情絜情"和"情得其平"三个步骤,最终指向了"天下共遂其生"的普遍正义状态。戴震道德哲学并没有将道德动机简单归结为情欲满足最大化,也没有将絜情工夫简单理解成功利的算计,而是力图在生活实践中发挥每个人的道德情感平衡要求以实现普遍公平正义。这一以情感主义为基础的道德哲学建构极具挑战性,能够自成一格,当是明清以来不可多得的儒学新诠。     

情感·人伦·秩序——解码先秦儒家情论中的秩序情结

在儒家典籍中,情是一个具有多重义项的范畴,情感是其中一个重要的义项,与情的其他义项如情实、情理、情欲等都有着密切的内在关联。关于情感之情在中国思想文化中的地位,学界有一种较为普遍的认同:在相关研究中,学者们大多将情归于人性论或人生哲学的框架内,视情为一个关于人生之艺术的理论(张岱年,第422页),或是一个个体修养     

《左传》中的病理心理学思想

先秦古书中合有丰富的病理心理学思想資料。欲明先秦病理心理学思想的全部面貌,須将散見于这些古书以及甲骨卜辞、銅器銘文等的有关資料,作全面的、精审的探討。《左传》中的病理心理学思想自不及《內經》,甚或不及某些子书丰富。本文只就《左传》中的若干有关內容进行初步探討。《国語》是《左传》的姊妹作品,遇有可以互相参考之处,間     

“色”与“礼”的关系——《孔子诗论》、马王堆帛书《五行》、《孟子·告子下》之比较

《孔子诗论》、马王堆帛书《五行》、《孟子.告子下》均有关于“色”和“礼”的论述。《孔子诗论》、马王堆帛书《五行》两者相同,有讨论“色”(情、欲)和“礼”(外在规范)关系的问题意识,也有“礼”来自于情欲,是对情欲之调节或引导的表述,《孟子.告子下》则不讨论这些问题。对情欲和礼之关系的认识,《孔子诗论》、马王堆帛书《五行》的思想倾向更接近《荀子》。用诗来改变人的情性之观念,《孔子诗论》和《毛诗序》一脉相承。     

传统儒家道德义务思想研究

论文从五个方面对儒家关于道德义务思想进行了探讨：一、从词源上考察义务范畴的发展,指出义务在古代从“应当”至“规范”再至“职责”的内涵不断丰富或具体化的过程;二、对儒家关于道德义务在人伦关系中的对应性学说进行了细致的分析和考察;三、认为儒家的道德义务的宗旨在于道德人格上立论,即人格确立的标志是在动机上立志为善而行善,在责任心为人格的实质;四、揭示儒家道德义务一种心理机制的特点,即意志力不是以理性对情欲的绝对压制为前提,而是以知、情、欲的和谐运作、水乳交融为自由境界;五、认为儒家关于道德义务的形而上基础的特点在于“天”是一种内在的伦理必然性而非超自然的存在,命运只为作为伦理必然性而不是外在必然性的意义上被注意     

戴震自然、必然伦理观新探

戴震认为,人欲与天理的问题,实际上就是自然与必然的问题,欲、理之极致便是自然、必然。自然情欲是人们从事一切活动的基本前提,“凡事为皆有人欲,无欲则无为矣。有欲而后有为,有为而归于至当不可易之谓理,无欲无为又焉有理。” 所谓“必然”,实际就是指“理”。“必然”不是孤立的,它始终与“自然”融合为一体,是人的自然情欲的合理发挥和适当调制,即所谓     

春秋战国诸子关于道德之价值的认知

在春秋战国百家争鸣的进程中,儒、道、墨、法和纵横家分别探讨了道德的价值。孔子、孟子、墨子、老庄与苟子所主张的道德内涵不同,但他们都充分肯定甚至夸大了道德的价值。韩非子与他们不同,把道德与政治剥离,纵横家则进一步提出了道德价值有限论。     

老子的“无为”政治与先秦其他无为思想的区别

“无为而治”是老子治国思想的核心主张。这一政治主张不仅有其特定的哲学内涵与历史成因,还与先秦其它各家的无为思想也有着根本的区别：一方面,在同属道家体系的内部,老子认为君臣俱可休息于无为;庄子则认为,君主固然可以“无为”,但臣下则必须“有为”。庄子的这一思想还同时影响了法家韩非一派的“元为”观。另一方面,老子与儒家孔子“无为”的差别,则更多地体现在一种治国理念上的“道治”与“德治”截然分殊。     

《易传》中的语言哲学思想探论--兼论儒、道、《易》的语言哲学思想之异同

本文试图对《易传》中的语言哲学思想,以及以孔子、孟子、荀子为代表的儒家和以老子、庄子为代表的道家的语育哲学思想进行初步分析,对先秦哲学中的语言哲学所关涉到的问题作一点探索性的研究,看先秦部分思想家考察了汉语言的哪些方面的特征,为我们反思现代汉语与现代中国哲学的关系提供某些启示。     

The Origin and Differentiation of the Theories of Human Nature in Pre-Qin China

In early China, views concerning human nature underwent significant development, with philosophers moving from seeing it as desire or instinct to seeing it as virtue or essence. Before Confucius’s time, human beings’ xing, or nature, was construed as desire and instinct, i.e., as a physical nature. The key problem faced by theorists of human nature at that time was how to manage nature with virtue, i.e., how to use virtue to both control and enrich nature. A later, wide-reaching development was the use of qi to explain human nature. Laozi began, taking de or virtue to be the internal essence of the human being; Confucius took de or virtue to be xing or nature. Following this development, the main current of the theory of human nature in the pre-Qin period divided into two branches. One, created by the later Confucius, inherited in part by Zisi, and developed by Mencius, took virtue as nature and insisted on the a priority of internal morality. The other branch, inherited in part by Zisi and developed by the author of Xing Zi Ming Chu and Xunzi, featured the development of the old tradition which took yu, or desire, as nature.     

The true or the artificial: Theories on human nature before Mencius and Xunzi-based on “Sheng is from Ming, and Ming is from Tian”

When speaking of pre-Qin Dynasty theories on human nature, past scholars divided Confucius, Mencius and Xunzi into three categories, and they tended to divide the theories into moral categories of good and evil. The discovery of bamboo and silk sheets from this period, however, has offered some valuable literature, providing a historical opportunity for the thorough research of pre-Qin Dynasty theories on human nature. Based on the information on the recently excavated bamboo and silk sheets, especially the essay titled “Xing Zi Ming Chu” on bamboo sheets unearthed in Guodian, this essay examines pre-Qin Dynasty theories on human nature from a new perspective. In doing so, it looks forward to a breakthrough in academic patterns of thought which typically defined pre-Qin Dynasty theories on human nature as good or evil, and thus a closer look at the original appearance of pre-Qin Dynasty theories on human nature as a whole.     

孟子荀子教育思想比较

孟子和苟子分别以“性善论”和“性恶论”为教育思想的道德基础。在教育方法上孟子强调由内而外,“反求诸己”的自我教育;而苟子强调外在的礼义教化,“隆礼”、“尊师”。他们教育的目的都是为了实现儒家的“仁政”。     

Zhi and Neng belong to mind: a study of the capacity to be good in the mind of Xunzi

ABSTRACT

The mainstream of academia thinks that Xunzi’s theory of human nature, which claims that human nature is bad, is in contrast with those of Confucius and Mencius and is unable to provide a foundation for human moral subjectivity. However, there are more and more scholars bringing up different ideas, such as Lu Debin and Fung Yiuming. They think that Xunzi’s wei 偽 (artifice), which includes zhi知 (knowing) and neng 能 (capacity), is a kind of inborn capacity to think and activate that belongs to xing. This paper points out that zhi and neng belong to xin 心 (mind) rather than xing. In the text of Xunzi, xing is mainly regarded as human emotions and desires which would result in chaos if not controlled. Making zhi and neng belong to xing does not accord with Xunzi’s theory and will confuse people with the connotation of Xunzi’s xing.     

论《金人铭》的产生时代

《金人铭》产生的时代应该是战国末年至汉代初年,这有以下几个方面的证据:1.《金人铭》的内容与黄老学派关系密切,应该是黄老思想流行后的产物,不可能产生于孔子时代。2.《金人铭》的内容性质与战国以前的青铜器铭文的特征不符。3.《金人铭》把孔子入周观书和孔子入太庙二事混合在一起,露出了破绽。4.《金人铭》称“三缄其口”,而“缄”字在可靠的先秦文献中无“闭口”义。“缄”的本义为捆箱箧的绳索,“缄”有“闭口”义是西汉才有的现象。     

读马王堆汉墓帛书《衷》篇札记

文章疏通了帛书《衷》篇的若干处文意,并试图从思想史的角度分析其内涵。如《衷》篇认为《周易》是巫史和文王共同完成的作品,巫史完成其数术部分,文王加入卦爻辞部分,这是对《周易》成书过程的较早表述之一;《衷》篇透露出先秦易学中关于人性的讨论与孟子、荀子都有极大不同,它将文人、武人作为两种人格来讨论也是传世文献中少见的;《衷》篇很多句子可与其它帛书《易传》的篇章合读,它们都很重视阐发《周易》中的德义。此篇帛书中有些句子的思想接近思孟学派,这说明其中有些内容不会早于战国中期。     

Research Findings Concerning Excavated Texts and Learning in Early China

In the course of Chinese history, we find three instances of important and deliberate attempts to reconstruct ancient history. In the first two, the main path followed in the reconstruction process concerned setting in order and recovering the traditional writings. But recently, the main path is to confirm the genuineness of the traditional writings, correcting errors and filling in omissions in the traditional concepts according to the “method of double proof.” Based on this, I aim to advance a new understanding of some key controversial issues in the history of learning in early China, concerning Confucius and the Book of Changes, the Analects and the Analects-kind texts, the School of Zisi and its literary output, Lao Zi the man and the book, and the dates of Wen Zi, Guanyin Zi, and Lie Zi. On this basis, I conclude that the development of pre-Qin philosophy went through four periods, with two significant turning points therein.