Effects of phoneme repertoire

In three experiments, listeners detected vowel or consonant targets in lists of CV syllables constructed from five vowels and five consonants. Responses were faster in a predictable context (e.g., listening for a vowel target in a list of syllables all beginning with the same consonant) than in an unpredictable context (e.g., listening for a vowel target in a list of syllables beginning with different consonants). In Experiment 1, the listeners’ native language was Dutch, in which vowel and consonant repertoires are similar in size. The difference between predictable and unpredictable contexts was comparable for vowel and consonant targets. In Experiments 2 and 3, the listeners’ native language was Spanish, which has four times as many consonants as vowels; here effects of an unpredictable consonant context on vowel detection were significantly greater than effects of an unpredictable vowel context on consonant detection. This finding suggests that listeners’ processing of phonemes takes into account the constitution of their language’s phonemic repertoire and the implications that this has for contextual variability.     

Learning a novel grapheme: effects of positional and phonemic context on children's spelling

Two experiments explored how children who encounter a new spelling for a phoneme generalize it to novel items. Children ages 5 1/2 to 9 (N = 123) were taught a CVC (consonant-vowel-consonant) nonword containing a new vowel spelling in the middle position (e.g., /gaik/ is spelled as giik). They were then asked to spell other nonwords containing the vowel or to judge spellings that had supposedly been produced by younger children. Children were sensitive to position in the spelling production task, being more likely to use the novel grapheme when the vowel appeared in the middle of a CVC target than when it appeared in word-initial or word-final position. Children were not significantly more likely to use the novel grapheme when the target shared the vowel and final consonant (rime) of the training stimulus than when it shared the initial consonant and vowel. Implications for views of spelling development are discussed.     

Pronouncing novel graphemes: The role of consonantal context

In three experiments, we examined how readers learn and generalize new pronunciations for vowel graphemes. Children ages 6 1/2 to 9 (n = 97) and college students (n = 21) were taught a nonword that included a novel vowel pronunciation in the middle position (e.g., zuop is pronounced /zup/). They were then asked to pronounce other nonwords that contained the same vowel grapheme. Participants were more likely to use the taught pronunciation when the target item and the training item shared a consonant as well as a vowel than when they shared only the vowel. The new pronunciation was not significantly more likely to appear when the target shared the vowel and final consonant (rime) of the training stimulus than when it shared the initial consonant and vowel. We discuss implications for views of reading and its development.     

The role of nasals in reading: a normative study in French

Dual-route models of reading assume that reading can be done in two ways. A most common lexical route, on the one hand, allows regular and irregular words to be read while a second sublexical route allows nonwords and novel words to be read. A graphemic processing stage in sublexical reading is assumed to assemble the individual letters of a word or a nonword into multiletter graphemes prior to grapheme-phoneme conversion. The purpose of this study was to determine whether vowel/nasal clusters required as much time to be processed asvowel/vowel and consonant/consonant clusters in sublexical nonword reading in French. Results indicate that nonwords that contain vowel/nasal clusters are read significantly faster than nonwords comprising vowel/vowel and consonant/consonant clusters. Furthermore, nonwords that contain single-letter graphemes are read significantly faster than nonwords comprising vowel/nasal clusters and nonwords comprising vowel/vowel and consonant/consonant clusters. These results taken as a whole support the idea that nasals act as diacritic marks rather than being processed by means of a graphemic parsing procedure.     

The processing of consonants and vowels in reading: evidence from the fast priming paradigm

We assessed the early encoding of consonant and vowel information in the reading of English, using the fast priming paradigm. With 30-msec prime durations, gaze durations on target words were shorter when preceded by high-frequency consonant-same primes (which shared consonant information with the target word; e.g., lake-like) than when preceded by vowel-same primes (which shared vowel information with the target word; e.g., line-like), but there were no priming effects for low-frequency primes. With 45-msec prime durations, however, there was no effect of prime frequency and gaze durations on target words were shortened equally when they were preceded by consonant-same primes and vowelsame primes, as compared with control primes (e.g., late-like). The results suggest that the processing of consonants is more rapid than that of vowels, providing further evidence for the distinction between consonant and vowel processing in the reading of English.     

Intransigent vowel-consonant position in Korean dysgraphia: evidence of spatial-constructive representation

Dysgraphia due to a focal brain lesion can be characterized by substitution, transposition, deletion and/or addition errors of graphemes or strokes. However, those linguistic errors can be language-specific because the writing system of a given language may influence error patterns. We investigated a Korean stroke patient, a 57-year-old English teacher with dysgraphia both in Korean Han-geul [see text] and in English alphabet writings. The results of an experimental testing revealed transposition errors between a consonant and a vowel only in English but not in Korean writings. This austerity of vowel-consonant position may be attributed to a unique Korean writing system of a spatially well-formed syllabic configuration or block with consonant(s) and a vowel. In light of a neuropsychological model of writing, which depicts a multi-level spelling and writing process, we suggest a spatial-constructional component of internal orthographic representations in Korean writing. This Korean graphemic configuration feature may be resistant to a focal, left cerebral damage, and thus, we also discuss our results in terms of cerebral lateralization of the writing processes.     

Word learning and phonetic processing in preschool-age children

Consonants and vowels have been shown to play different relative roles in different processes, including retrieving known words from pseudowords during adulthood or simultaneously learning two phonetically similar pseudowords during infancy or toddlerhood. The current study explores the extent to which French-speaking 3- to 5-year-olds exhibit a so-called “consonant bias” in a task simulating word acquisition, that is, when learning new words for unfamiliar objects. In Experiment 1, the to-be-learned words differed both by a consonant and a vowel (e.g., /byf/-/duf/), and children needed to choose which of the two objects to associate with a third one whose name differed from both objects by either a consonant or a vowel (e.g., /dyf/). In such a conflict condition, children needed to favor (or neglect) either consonant information or vowel information. The results show that only 3-year-olds preferentially chose the consonant identity, thereby neglecting the vowel change. The older children (and adults) did not exhibit any response bias. In Experiment 2, children needed to pick up one of two objects whose names differed on either consonant information or vowel information. Whereas 3-year-olds performed better with pairs of pseudowords contrasting on consonants, the pattern of asymmetry was reversed in 4-year-olds, and 5-year-olds did not exhibit any significant response bias. Interestingly, girls showed overall better performance and exhibited earlier changes in performance than boys. The changes in consonant/vowel asymmetry in preschoolers are discussed in relation with developments in linguistic (lexical and morphosyntactic) and cognitive processing.     

Effects of orthographic consistency, frequency, and letter knowledge on children's vowel spelling development

This study investigated children's sensitivity to spelling consistency, and lexical and sublexical (rime) frequency, and their use of explicitly learned canonical vowel graphemes in the early stages of learning to spell. Vowel spellings produced by 78 British children at the end of reception year (mean age 5 years, 7 months) and 6 months later in mid-Year 1 were assessed. Regression analyses revealed that, at both test times, knowledge of sound-letter correspondences influenced spelling performance; however, unconditional consistency of vowel spellings affected children's spelling most strongly, over and above additional effects of word and rime frequency and the complexity of the target vowel grapheme. The effect of conditional consistency of vowel spellings given coda contexts was not significant. Thus, young children are sensitive to various statistical properties of the orthography from the earliest phases of spelling development and, in particular, to the unconditional consistency of the vowel spelling pattern.     

The status of consonants and vowels in phonological assembly: Testing the two-cycles model with Italian

Recent studies by Berent and Perfetti (1995) and Lee, Rayner, and Pollatsek (2001) have shown a processing priority of consonants over vowels in tasks like backward masking and reading, respectively. One possible explanation for this advantage of consonants is in terms of the specific characteristics of the English spelling (i.e., a great inconsistency in the spelling-sound relations for vowels), and therefore is not predicted for a language, like Italian, with a transparent orthography. The aim of the present experiments was to investigate the consonant advantage in Italian with the backward masking paradigm. The first two experiments, with a perceptual identification and a naming task, showed a masking reduction effect for masks sharing vowels with the target at the shortest SOAs, in addition to a pseudo-homophone advantage as compared to the control condition. In the third experiment, where a lexical decision task was used, the advantage of the mask sharing vowels disappeared. The fourth experiment was a replication of Experiment 1 with different materials. Overall, the results suggest that the advantage of consonants can only be found in English, whereas in Italian, for which the computation of phonology of vowels and consonants is similar, no effect is apparent. Thus, the processing priority for consonants seems to depend on the inconsistencies of vowel phonology in English.     

An error analysis of misspellings made by learners of English as a first and as a second language

About 700 misspelled words were collected from the responses produced on a fill-in-the-blank task by two groups of advanced learners of English, (1) English-speaking children (9–11 years) and (2) Spanish-speaking adults studying English. The spelling errors were coded using a detailed categorization system (whose use and rationale are described), and the resulting tabulations were analyzed for differences between the two subject groups or differences across error types. The two groups were similar in that they both made proportionally more vowel than consonant errors. On the other hand, significant differences between the subject groups were found in three of the major categories: The Spanish speakers made more errors involving consonant doubling, while the native English speakers made more involving the unstressed vowel schwa (||) and the grapheme silent |e|. It is argued that these differences stem from the language backgrounds and resulting spelling strategies of the two groups, and the paper concludes with a discussion of the need for other studies comparing the spelling errors of first-and second-language learners.     

Processing complex graphemes in handwriting production

Recent studies on handwriting production and neuropsychological data have suggested that orthographic representations are multilevel structures that encode information on letter identity and order, but also on intermediate-grained processing units such as syllables and morphemes. This study on handwriting production examined whether orthographic representations also include a graphemic-processing level. French adults wrote words containing an embedded one-, two-, or three-letter grapheme (e.g., a in clavier, ai in prairie, ain in plainte) on a digitizer. The results for letter duration revealed that the timing of movement processing depends on grapheme length (e.g., the duration of a for one-letter graphemes was shorter than that for two-letter graphemes, which, in turn, was shorter than that for three-letter graphemes). Two- and three-letter graphemes start to be processed before we start to write them. The results therefore revealed that orthographic representations also encode information on grapheme complexity.     

The mental representation of lexical form: a phonological approach to the recognition lexicon

We propose a psycholinguistic model of lexical processing which incorporates both process and representation. The view of lexical access and selection that we advocate claims that these processes are conducted with respect to abstract underspecified phonological representations of lexical form. The abstract form of a given item in the recognition lexicon is an integrated segmental-featural representation, where all predictable and non-distinctive information is withheld. This means that listeners do not have available to them, as they process the speech input, a representation of the surface phonetic realisation of a given word-form. What determines performance is the abstract, underspecified representation with respect to which this surface string is being interpreted. These claims were tested by studying the interpretation of the same phonological feature, vowel nasality, in two languages, English and Bengali. The underlying status of this feature differs in the two languages; nasality is distinctive only in consonants in English, while both vowels and consonants contrast in nasality in Bengali. Both languages have an assimilation process which spreads nasality from a nasal consonant to the preceding vowel. A cross-linguistic gating study was conducted to investigate whether listeners would interpret nasal and oral vowels differently in two languages. The results show that surface phonetic nasality in the vowel in VN sequences is used by English listeners to anticipate the upcoming nasal consonant. In Bengali, however, nasality is initially interpreted as an underlying nasal vowel. Bengali listeners respond to CVN stimuli with words containing a nasal vowel, until they get information about the nasal consonant. In contrast, oral vowels in both languages are unspecified for nasality and are interpreted accordingly. Listeners in both languages respond with CVN words (which have phonetic nasality on the surface) as well as with CVC words while hearing an oral vowel. The results of this cross-linguistic study support, in detail, the hypothesis that the listener's interpretation of the speech input is in terms of an abstract underspecified representation of lexical form.     

Evaluating computational models in cognitive neuropsychology: the case from the consonant/vowel distinction

Caramazza et al. [Caramazza, A., Chialant, D., Capasso, R., & Miceli, G. (2000). Separable processing of consonants and vowels. Nature, 403(6768), 428-430.] report two patients who exhibit a double dissociation between consonants and vowels in speech production. The patterning of this double dissociation cannot be explained by appealing to sub-phonemic distinctions, such as sonority level or damage to specific phonological features. They argue that consonant/vowel status is an autonomous level of representation. Monaghan and Shillcock [Monaghan, P., & Shillcock, R. (2003). Connectionist modelling of the separable processing of consonants and vowels. Brain and Language, 86(1), 83-98.] present computational models which supposedly exhibit a similar double dissociation. They contend that these models can explain the patient data, without appeal to such supra-phonemic distinctions as consonant/vowel status. Here we argue that their claim fails to meet two necessary criteria. Their models do not fit the pattern of the patient data, either quantitatively or qualitatively. Furthermore, the motivation for these models is unclear beyond just being an attempt to explain this specific phenomenon. We conclude that these models, in their current form, do not provide an alternative explanation to the representation of consonants and vowels.     

Cross‐Situational Learning of Minimal Word Pairs

Cross‐situational statistical learning of words involves tracking co‐occurrences of auditory words and objects across time to infer word‐referent mappings. Previous research has demonstrated that learners can infer referents across sets of very phonologically distinct words (e.g., WUG, DAX), but it remains unknown whether learners can encode fine phonological differences during cross‐situational statistical learning. This study examined learners’ cross‐situational statistical learning of minimal pairs that differed on one consonant segment (e.g., BON–TON), minimal pairs that differed on one vowel segment (e.g., DEET–DIT), and non‐minimal pairs that differed on two or three segments (e.g., BON–DEET). Learners performed above chance for all pairs, but performed worse on vowel minimal pairs than on consonant minimal pairs or non‐minimal pairs. These findings demonstrate that learners can encode fine phonetic detail while tracking word‐referent co‐occurrence probabilities, but they suggest that phonological encoding may be weaker for vowels than for consonants.     

Does letter position coding depend on consonant/vowel status? Evidence with the masked priming technique

Recently, a number of input coding schemes (e.g., SOLAR model, SERIOL model, open-bigram model, overlap model) have been proposed that capture the transposed-letter priming effect (i.e., faster response times for jugde-JUDGE than for jupte-JUDGE). In their current version, these coding schemes do not assume any processing differences between vowels and consonants. However, in a lexical decision task, Perea and Lupker (2004, JML; Lupker, Perea, & Davis, 2008, L&CP) reported that transposed-letter priming effects occurred for consonant transpositions but not for vowel transpositions. This finding poses a challenge for these recently proposed coding schemes. Here, we report four masked priming experiments that examine whether this consonant/vowel dissociation in transposed-letter priming is task-specific. In Experiment 1, we used a lexical decision task and found a transposed-letter priming effect only for consonant transpositions. In Experiments 2-4, we employed a same-different task - a task which taps early perceptual processes - and found a robust transposed-letter priming effect that did not interact with consonant/vowel status. We examine the implications of these findings for the front-end of the models of visual word recognition.     

Forgetting and redintegration of consonants and vowels in pseudoword lists

Immediate recall of phonemes was studied in a pseudoword span task. Finnish participants recalled lists of increasing length, consisting of C(consonant)V(vowel)CVCV pseudowords. The lists were made up from pools of 12 pseudowords. There were three types of lists. In the non‐redundant lists the items were unpredictable combinations of consonants and vowels. In consonant‐redundant lists, all items had the consonant frame /t/_/s/_/l/. In vowel‐redundant lists, all items had the vowel frame _/u/_/e/_/o/. Unlike redundant last syllables in a previous experiment, neither consonant nor vowel redundancy helped list recall. Instead, a harmful phonological similarity effect was apparent in the vowel‐redundant case but not the consonant‐redundant case. A phoneme‐level analysis of recall showed that consonants were recalled better in consonant‐redundant lists and vowels were recalled better in vowel‐redundant lists compared to non‐redundant lists. Vowels appeared to be more important for discrimination between items, with redundancy resulting in confusions. The consequences of phoneme‐level forgetting and redintegration for item‐ and list‐level recall are discussed.     

Nature of spelling errors in a Thai conduction aphasic.

A Thai conduction aphasic's performance on a written confrontation naming task is reported. Analysis of his spelling errors indicated that errors rarely violated Thai phonotactic constraints; consonant substitutions were phonologically similar to the target stimuli; longer stimuli were more likely to be in error; distribution of errors was the same across consonants, vowels, and tones; and distribution of error types varied between segmentals (consonants, vowels) and suprasegmentals (tones). Error patterns were similar to those observed in oral reading and repetition. The pattern of impaired writing performance is discussed in relation to a functional model of the spelling process, and it is hypothesized to reflect primarily a functional lesion to the phonological buffer.     

Effect of consonant/vowel letter organisation on the syllable counting task: evidence from English

Recent studies in alphabetic writing systems have investigated whether the status of letters as consonants or vowels influences the perception and processing of written words. Here, we examined to what extent the organisation of consonants and vowels within words affects performance in a syllable counting task in English. Participants were asked to judge the number of syllables in written words that were matched for the number of spoken syllables but comprised either 1 orthographic vowel cluster less than the number of syllables (hiatus words, e.g., triumph) or as many vowel clusters as syllables (e.g., pudding). In 3 experiments, we found that readers were slower and less accurate on hiatus than control words, even when phonological complexity (Experiment 1), number of reduced vowels (Experiment 2), and number of letters (Experiment 3) were taken into account. Interestingly, for words with or without the same number of vowel clusters and syllables, participants’ errors were more likely to underestimate the number of syllables than to overestimate it. Results are discussed in a cross-linguistic perspective.