从孟子到朱熹、戴震——试析孟学发展的心路

孟子之学在先秦属儒家八派之一,秦火之后,其徒被灭。西汉时司马迁始为孟子作传,至东汉列《孟子》为传记博士,不及五经博士。有赵岐其人推崇孟子,始得"亚圣"之称。唐代韩愈为抗衡佛教而矢志接续儒家道统,提出"求观圣人之道,必自孟子始",孟子之学才发扬光大。至宋代朱熹"始著",继承了孟子的心性之学和王道仁政思想,并将其纳入理学的逻辑框架,从而真正奠定了孟子在儒家道统上的历史地位。清代是"古学复兴"的时代,戴震致力于解蔽被朱熹理学化了的《孟子》一书,试图恢复原始儒学的本真面貌。但戴震的研究也并没有真正回到孟子的始点,而是完成了对孟子原典的"否定之否定"历程。     

孟子知《易》说综论

《孟子》七篇未尝有一语提及《易》,亦未见有对《周易》经传之引用,故后儒对于孟子是否知《易》看法各异。赵岐认为孟子"通五经",程颐言"知《易》者莫如孟子",朱熹却持相反意见。程朱二说可视为汉唐经学向两宋理学转型时理学家尊崇"四书"的不同表述,与赵岐在五经独尊的学术背景下言孟子"通五经"实有异曲同工之妙——其语境截然不同,但其出发点皆为推重孟子其人其书。明末黄道周以其象数《易》学思维阐释《孟子》与《易》之关系,而刘宗周则从其心性学视阈论述之,为认识此问题提供了新思路。清儒焦循认为"孟子深于《易》",其《孟子正义》在对《孟子》语句、篇章之意蕴及赵岐传意之解读中多处以《易》解《孟》,但因其对宋明理学家解《孟》之成果一概不收,故也失去了对"《孟子》知《易》"这一学术问题进行全面梳理的可能。围绕《孟子》知《易》展开的各种讨论其实正是各个时代思潮与学者治学个性的综合体现。     

学术史写作的新范式——《清代〈孟子〉学史大纲》评介

《清代〈孟子〉学史大纲》是作者李畅然在其2004年答辩通过的博士论文基础上修改完成的一部专著。书中既有细致的文献分析、数据统计,对于理论问题也有自己的见解——前者最见作者用力,后者亦见作者之功力。该书在全面调查清代《孟子》学、     

孟子与五经(续)

三、孟子与礼“礼”字在《孟子》中出现６５次,孟子引《礼》二次。《孟子》引《礼》２次：１、“《礼》曰：‘诸侯耕助以供粢盛;夫人蚕缫,以为衣服。牺牲不成,粢盛不洁,衣服不备,不敢以祭。惟士无田,则亦不祭。’牲杀、器皿、衣服不备,不敢以祭,则不敢以晏,亦不...     

孟子弟子考辨

孟子弟子考辨杨泽波《史记》有《仲尼弟子列传》，后人考据孔子弟子，较有根据。《孟子荀卿列传》本身已很简略，更无关于弟子的专门记载，后人考据孟子弟子，甚为不易。虽然前人考证孟子弟子者不乏其人，但混乱处亦很多。本文根据前人研究成果，对历史上纳为孟子弟子的二...     

照明序文是李通玄传记的第一手资料

最近,我俩有幸读到日本华严学文学博士小岛岱山《李通玄传记研究》一书。该书用近8万字的篇幅,对与李通玄传略有关的32篇资料逐一进行深入而周密的考证和研究。将所有资料分为复杂的传记资料和断片的传记资料两类,又分为第一手的根本资料与第二、三手含有捏造、杜撰成份的参考资料,这两类资料对于深入研究李通玄都很有价值。     

写形传神的思想传记——读王生平著《旷世大儒——孟轲》

王生平先生的《旷世大儒———孟轲》 (以下简称《孟轲》 ,河北人民出版社 ,2 0 0 1年出版 ) ,是一部别开生面的孟子研究新著。著者把自己孟子研究的目标锁定于“写形传神”的“思想传记” (第 3页 ) ,这不仅十分得当 ,而且也颇能体现著者的卓见特识。该书最引人瞩目之处 ,是在架构搭建、思想开掘等基本方面做出了卓有成效的新探索 ,从而使著者的孟子研究圆满地实现了“写形传神”的预期目的。《孟轲》第一个值得重视的基本方面在于 ,全书的结构安排和章节设置新颖别致 ,相当独特。著者把孟子自“私淑”孔子开始到超越孔子的自我意识的形成 …     

《列仙传》叙事模式探析--与史传之比较

《列仙传》是早期道教神仙传记,叙述仙人们得道成仙的故事.它采用史传的叙事体例为其外在表现形式,以宗教内容为实质,表现出独特的叙事模式,对后世道教传记多有影响.本文拟对《列仙传》和以《史记》列传为代表的史传进行比较,以凸显仙传的叙事特点.     

也谈孟子哲学的评价问题——与严北溟先生商榷

严北溟先生的《从评价孟子谈哲学的党性问题》一文(见《哲学研究》1980年第9期。以下引严文,不再注明出处),认为孟子是唯物主义者,并由评价孟子谈到哲学史研究的方法问题。现提出两点意见,进行商榷,以就教于严北溟先生。     

评《孟子评传》

<正> 三十多年来,除了作为历史知识小丛书之一题为《孟子》的一本薄薄的小册子外,竟没有一部全面系统地介绍和探讨孟子及其思想的专著问世。这与孟子在中国历史上的地位极不相称,是学术研究中的一件憾事。吕涛同志撰写的《孟子评传》(山西人民出版社1987年3月出版)填补了孟子研究的这一空白。介绍全面、论述系统是《孟子评传》给我们的第一个印象。孟子是一个思想极其丰     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.