社会性道德视角下的市场社会道德基础探究--兼析经济学的价值判断

在个体层面上,“利己”与“道德”是人性中的两种德性,二者并不矛盾;在型构社会层面上．为了维系合作秩序的扩展,须构建与市场社会相适应的社会性道德基础。中国的传统社会缺失了社会性道德这一维度,休谟在特定的历史时期所提出的社会性道德论说对于建设中国当下的市场经济有特别的理论借鉴意义。普世性的道德准则是经济学的前提,经济学自身的价值判断准则也同样拒斥不道德的经济行为。“市场经济可以不讲道德”的命题是不成立的。     

以道德模范引领新时代中国道德风尚

榜样的力量是无穷的,伟大时代呼唤伟大精神,崇高事业需要榜样引领;要发挥好以道德模范对新时代社会道德风尚的引领作用,必须使道德模范体现新时代的中国精神;必须加大对道德模范的宣传力度,提高其对公民的感染力、感召力和引领力;必须努力提高公民向上向善的伦理自信与道德自觉,建立社会"立德优先"的良好氛围;必须建立健全社会的奖惩制度,使"好人有好报""老实人不吃亏"在法治的意义上成为常态。     

如何理解"德得相通"

道德与利益的关系问题可折射出整个社会道德的基础与取向,必须对之予以正确阐释。“德得相通”应该理解成“德”与“道之得”、“心之得”意义上的相通,不应该似是而非的理解成“德”主要与“利之得”意义上相通,更不能把如此理解的“德得相通”视为中国传统道德的基本精神与价值取向。中国传统道德的基本精神与价值取向,应该是以提升自我德性和实现理想人格为主旨,强调克己尚义的道德价值论。     

社会道德和个体道德:道德问题研究的两个重要向度——读《社会道德与个体道德》

道德是理性人的本质要义,它既是人崇高、善良、美好的象征,又是人抵御各种不良行为诱惑和侵蚀的堤坝,同时也是社会文明进步的标志。因此,道德是人类永恒的主题,对于人类社会有着无穷的魅力。康德曾经说过:“这个世界上唯有两种东西能让我们的心灵感到深深地震撼,一是我们头顶上     

道德评判与制度设计

“老人跌倒扶还是不扶”的争论不应聚焦于国人道德是否滑坡的评判,其展现出的正面意义——法治的深入和理性的彰显——正是社会进步的坚强基石.对于道德追求和道德要求的混同让我们在道德问题上陷入了困境.问题在于:道德本身是无法从根本上拯救自己的.人类历史的发展过程表明,道德问题的解决在一定程度上依赖于法律制度.“扶还是不扶”的道德困境能够通过制度安排加以解决.如果制度安排真正做到了人性化、科学化,那么,必将有效地推动社会道德水准的提高;反之,如果法律制度得不到贯彻实施,道德水平的提高也就无从谈起.当前,促进法律义务的忠实履行,正是道德建设的基础和突破口.     

他律、自律与"诚"--从日本人的道德意识说起

道德的功能主要以如下两种方式体现 :一个是他律的 ,一个是自律的。前者强调行为者之外的约束力量 ;后者注重行为者本身的因素。但是 ,在日本社会 ,道德的经常表现形式却是“诚” ,它是一种介于自律与他律之间的“强制式自愿”力量。“诚”的存在使我们认识到 ,道德的民族性差异仍然真切地、实际地影响着各个民族的社会生活。     

从神性到理性——康德对基督教"道德金律"的批判

康德为道德寻求客观依据而确立的道德律令,继承了基督教传统道德金律的律法、普世、上帝等观念。但是康德并非简单地蹈袭了基督教文化传统。他要为具有普遍性价值的道德律找到一个新的更为可靠的基础,这就是人的理性。因而,他从理性角度赋予了这种基督教传统文化思想以新的时代意义。这种新的解释具有现代科学理性及人文性特征,从而对后世学者在道德问题上的探寻产生了深远的影响。     

经济活动中的道德理性

经济活动不仅是人们的物质生产活动,也是人们“理性化”的认知活动和实践活动。它既体现了人类主体对技术、工具手段的认知理性,又体现了人类主体“合理性”、“合目的性”的价值理性。而道德价值理性是一切合理有序的经济活动的价值标矢和理性基础。     

自主概念的规范性构建

自主作为社会的核心概念之一,被广泛应用于道德哲学、政治学、法学等学科领域,但自主概念本身纷繁复杂。考察特定身份的个体的自主性为寻找多义的自主概念背后的规范性要素带来了一种新的研究路径。从生物性的角度考察个体自主概念,自主可以化约为"自我决定";从"人"的角度考虑将理性带入自主概念,自主可以化约为"理性自决";从"社会人"的角度考察,自主可以化约为"道德自主"。照顾他人的利益则是自主概念被赋予某种道德和社会规范的力量的体现,个人利益和他人利益的调和是通过自我完善和对他人的慈善这两种德行义务相结合得以实现的。"自决"、"理性"、"道德"是个体自主的三个规范性要素,而"善"必须是自主行为的出发点和目标,唯此,自主才有其应有的价值,即"善"是个体自主的价值的前提。     

"伦理"与"道德"概念的三重比较义

“伦理”与“道德”是伦理学或道德哲学中的两个核心概念,但二者长期处于概念模糊和逻辑混乱状态,导致伦理学和道德教育“名不正而言不顺”。通过对这两个概念进行以词源学为基础的三重比较:汉语言文化中的比较、英语文化中的比较、中西文化中的比较,我们可以得出的结论是:当代“伦理”概念蕴含着西方文化的理性、科学、公共意志等属性,“道德”概念蕴含着更多的东方文化的情性、人文、个人修养等色彩。“西学东渐”以来,中西“伦理”与“道德”概念经过碰撞、竞争和融合的过程,目前二者划界与范畴日益清晰,即“伦理”是伦理学中的一级概念,而“道德”是“伦理”概念下的二级概念。二者不能相互替代,它们有着各自的概念范畴和使用区域。     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.