幼儿认知灵活性的发展及其与言语能力的关系

认知灵活性是人类智力的一个重要特征,言语能力也是人类的一个关键能力,无论是个体灵活地使用语言,或者是语言在促进个体认知灵活性发展中的作用,都是不容低估的重要问题,但关于两者关系的研究却极其少见。以认知灵活性研究中经典的演绎范式DCCS任务和经典的归纳范式FIM、FIST任务为基础,从认知灵活性中对言语能力的探究、言语测验中包含的认知灵活性、以及两者共同的基础———表征能力等三个方面来阐明认知灵活性和言语发展之间的关系,最后表明了认知灵活性和言语能力之间的显著关系。     

海员认知能力测评

本研究采用反应时、速度判断、深度知觉、记忆力和注意力等5项认知能力指标,对129名海员的认知能力进行了测试。通过专家咨询法确定了各项指标的权重系数,构建了海员认知能力评价模型,并提出了评价标准。     

人格特质与认知能力的关系及其年龄差异

人格是影响认知能力的重要因素, 不同的人格特质与认知能力的关系不同, 人格与认知能力的关系在不同年龄阶段也有所不同。当前的研究主要探讨了人格特质与认知能力之间的关系以及不同人格特质对不同认知能力的影响, 并在不同的年龄阶段进行比较。有关不同人格特质对认知能力的影响结果逐渐清晰, 但现有的研究结果存在很多争议。未来可以在人格的稳定性及其对认知能力的影响、人格对认知能力影响的作用机制及其相关影响因素、跨文化研究和研究范式等方面继续深化, 以获取对该研究问题更科学的研究结论。     

Cognitive Skills as Predictor of Attitudes Toward Political Conflict: A Study of Polish Politicians

The relationship between cognitive development and attitudes toward a current political conflict was examined in a sample of 46 Polish politicians. This relationship was examined in a control group in a neutral condition and in an experimental group after participants were presented with a hostile attack on their position on the conflict. Politicians with less advanced cognitive skills tended to use competitive attitudes in both conditions. In contrast, those who possessed more advanced skills tended to use cooperative attitudes in the neutral situation; after the emotional attack, they tended to avoid further involvement in the conflict and sought to exit it. The key difference in participants' cognitive functioning was their ability to differentiate perspectives and to transcend their own point of view in the conflict.     

2.5至7.5岁儿童关于图画作者能力特点的认知发展

借助2岁儿童图画作品,考察25至75岁儿童对于图画作者能力特点的认知发展状况。结果表明：2．5岁到55岁的儿童,在本实验情境的图画判断过程中尚不能考虑小年龄图画作者的能力特点,65岁以后儿童的这种能力得到了,发展。研究对儿童理解图画作者能力的心智基础进行了分析。     

Linking Genetics and Political Attitudes: Reconceptualizing Political Ideology

In this paper, we trace the route by which genetics could ultimately connect to issue attitudes and suggest that central to this connection are chronic dispositional preferences for mass‐scale social rules, order, and conduct—what we label political ideology. The need to resolve bedrock social dilemmas concerning such matters as leadership style, protection from outgroups, and the degree to which norms of conduct are malleable, is present in any large‐scale social unit at any time. This universality is important in that it leaves open the possibility that genetics could influence stances on issues of the day. Here, we measure orientation to these bedrock principles in two ways—a survey of conscious, self‐reported positions and an implicit association test (IAT) of latent orientations toward fixed or flexible rules of social conduct. In an initial test, both measures were predictive of stances on issues of the day as well as of ideological self‐labeling, thereby suggesting that the heritability of specific issue attitudes could be the result of the heritability of general orientations toward bedrock principles of mass‐scale group life.     

The Role of Cognitive Style in the Link Between Genes and Political Ideology

There is growing interest in how genes affect political beliefs. To better understand the role of genes in politics, we examine the relationship between cognitive style (the need for cognition, the need for cognitive closure) and various measures of political attitudes (issue‐based ideology, identity‐based ideology, social ideology, economic ideology, authoritarianism, and egalitarianism). We show, for the first time, that the need for cognition and the need for cognitive closure are heritable and are linked to political ideology primarily, perhaps solely, because of shared genetic influences; these links are stronger for social than economic ideology. Although prior research demonstrated that Openness to Experience shares genetic variance with political ideology, we find that these measures of cognitive style account for distinct genetic variance in political ideology. Moreover, the genetic Openness‐ideology link is fully accounted for by the need for cognition. This combination of findings provides a clearer understanding of the role of genes in political beliefs and suggests new directions for research on Big Five personality traits and ideology.     

Need for Cognitive Closure and Conservative Political Beliefs: Differential Mediation by Personal Worldviews

The paper investigates the relationships between motivated social cognition (need for cognitive closure), personal worldviews (traditional, modern, or postmodern), and conservative political beliefs. The relationships were analyzed in a sample of 189 Polish adults. High need for closure was associated with support for both traditional and modern worldviews. Although different in content (i.e., endorsing different values and assumptions about the methods and limits of cognition), the worldviews share similar formal characteristics: Both assume the absolute nature of values and the existence of definite truths. However, acceptance of the traditional worldview was related to political conservatism (i.e., support for nationalist and isolationist opinions and a stronger role for traditional, religious values in public life), whereas acceptance of the modern worldview was associated with a rejection of conservative political beliefs. Moreover, personal worldviews mediated the relationship between need for closure and political beliefs: Support for social conservatism was mediated by acceptance of the traditional worldview, whereas acceptance of the modern worldview predicted rejection of conservative values.     

On the Independent Roles of Cognitive & Political Sophistication: Variation Across Attitudinal Objects

People are motivated to maintain consistency between importantly held identities, preferences, and judgments. In political contexts, motivated reasoning can help explain a wide range of political phenomena, including extremism, polarization, and misperceptions. However, recent findings in psychology have challenged this account. These perspectives emphasize the role of cognitive sophistication (e.g., analytical reasoning, numerical literacy) in political attitudes, but differ in terms of whether it is expected to attenuate or exacerbate politically motivated reasoning and belief in conspiracy theories. Yet prior investigations have not examined the relative and independent effects of both political and cognitive sophistication. Using data from two samples, including one sampled to approximate representativeness in the U.S., we demonstrate that both types of sophistication have independent and (at times) countervailing effects on belief in COVID-19 conspiracy theories and other political attitudes. Our results are critical for theories of cognitive sophistication, political cognition, and attitudes, and the psychology of conspiracy theories.     

Cognitive Ability and Personality Predictors of Training Program Skill Acquisition and Job Performance

Two important issues in the training process concern (1) the relative impact of cognitive ability and personality traits on the ability to acquire skills, and (2) whether training skill acquisition predicts subsequent job performance. We used a sample of 9,793 trainees to address these questions and were able to compare those who succeeded on the job with those who did not succeed on the job. We found that some personality factors positively correlate with skill acquisition and that skill acquisition can predict the level of subsequent job performance.     

The Effects of Demographic Variables and Stereotype Threat on Black/White Differences in Cognitive Ability Test Performance

The present study examined whether a set of demographic variables and stereotype threat could explain African-American/White mean differences in cognitive ability test performance. African Americans and Whites were found to significantly differ in stereotype threat and educational attainment of participants' fathers (i.e., father education). In moderate support of our study hypothesis, stereotype threat and father education partially mediated race differences in cognitive ability test scores. Implications for study findings are discussed, and limitations of the study are noted.     

早期高级认知发展与前额叶功能发育的fNIRS研究

儿童早期阶段是各项认知能力和脑发育的关键阶段。近红外光谱成像技术(fNIRS)凭借其非侵害性、便捷操作以及对头动容忍度高等特点,在早期阶段儿童认知发展与脑发育的研究中得到越来越多的应用。从早期高级认知发展与前额叶功能的单侧优势变化、对应前额叶脑区逐渐专门化、发展关键期与前额叶功能的可塑性,以及前额叶功能异常与早期发展障碍的关系等四个方面对基于fNIRS技术开展的早期认知发展与脑发育的研究进展进行了梳理和分析。指出未来研究应探究儿童早期认知能力发展和脑发育的轨迹及关键期,探讨有发展性障碍家族风险儿童的早期大脑发育特点,为早期教育和发展障碍的早期预警提供依据。     

中小学生认知能力发展水平测验的研究

以皮亚杰的认知发展理论为基础,采用皮亚杰及其学生研究认知发展时的任务为测验题目,编制成测量中小学生认知能力发展水平的测验.通过对2240名中小学生施测,结果表明本测验不仅具有很好的信度和效度,而且也具有适中的难度.然后以一所中学特长班学生为被试,通过对他们进行测量,并将测验结果与同年级普通班学生的认知成绩进行比较,结果存在很明显的差异.最后对中小学生认知能力发展水平测量问题进行了探讨.     

小学生数学应用题解题水平影响因素的研究——视空间能力、认知方式及表征方式的影响

研究采用3(年级)×2(场认知方式)×2(视空间能力水平)×3(问题表征方式)四因素混合实验设计,探讨了这四种因素对小学生数学应用题解题水平的影响。结果表明:年级、认知方式、空间能力以及问题表征方式均是影响小学生应用题解决水平的关键因素;问题表征方式、认知方式、空间能力以及年级四个因素对小学生解题水平存在交互作用,其中图形提示有利于场依存性学生解题水平的提高,低空间-场依存型的学生更适合图形提示;高空间-场依存型的学生随年级升高解题能力发展较快,而低空间-场依存型的学生解题水平提高较慢;随着年级的升高,图式表征对小学生问题解决的促进作用增强。     

Examining the Incremental Validity and Adverse Impact of Cognitive Ability and Conscientiousness on Job Performance

Using archival data from a large home improvement organization, the current study examined the incremental validity of conscientiousness over cognitive ability in predicting different performance criteria. Also, the study examined the effects of conscientiousness and cognitive ability on adverse impact. Results indicated that conscientiousness provided incremental validity over cognitive ability in the prediction of several performance criteria. Specifically, conscientiousness had the highest increases in validity over cognitive ability in the prediction of contextual performance factors (e.g., contextual performance, customer service orientation, dealing with others). However, the addition of conscientiousness failed to ameliorate the adverse impact associated with cognitive ability. In addition, limitations of the study and future directions of research are addressed.     

A Cognitive Anatomy of Political Trust and Respective Bases: Evidence from a Two‐City Survey in China

Building on contemporary research on social cognition and psychology, trust, political representation and accountability, and candidate evaluation, this article proposes to decompose political trust into two cognitively distinct but related components for examination: competence versus intention evaluations. This article further argues that people's evaluations of their government's competence and intention in governance can have distinct bases due to the varying accessibility of pertinent information. Using valid instruments from a unique sampling survey in two Chinese cities in 2005, this article tests the validity of this cognitive scheme. Empirical evidence shows that (1) the surveyed Chinese urban residents effectively differentiated between their central government's competence and intention in governance: on average, they had a quite positive assessment of the central government's intention to serve its people, despite their relatively pessimistic views of its competence to deliver good governance; (2) the Chinese urbanites did consult different sources of information and heuristics when evaluating their central government's competence and intention, respectively.     

The Measurement of Cognitive Complexity and Its Relationship With Political Extremism

Three studies tested the relationship between political extremism and cognitive complexity in an adult sample (N = 135), a sample of students (N = 145), and a sample of political party members (N = 47). According to value pluralism theory, advocates of extreme ideologies exhibit low levels of cognitive complexity. Context theory, in contrast, states that extremists think in a more complex and sophisticated way about politics. In accordance with context theory, significant positive correlations between cognitive complexity and extremist ideology were found in all samples. The results of these studies also revealed weak correlations among the cognitive complexity instruments used in previous research. Problems concerning the measurement of cognitive style and cognitive complexity are discussed.     

Mapping the Connections between Politics and Morality: The Multiple Sociopolitical Orientations Involved in Moral Intuition

According to moral foundations theory (Haidt & Joseph, 2004), five foundations are central to moral intuition. The two individualizing foundations—harm/care and fairness/reciprocity—hinge on the rights of the individual, whereas the three binding foundations—in‐group/loyalty, authority/respect, and purity/sanctity—focus on communal bonds. Recent work suggests that reliance on the various foundations varies as a function of sociopolitical orientation: liberals consistently rely on the individualizing foundations, whereas conservatives rely on both the individualizing and binding foundations. In an effort to further explore the relationship between sociopolitical orientation and morality, we argue that only certain types of sociopolitical attitudes and beliefs should relate to each cluster of foundations. Drawing on dual‐process models of social and political attitudes, we demonstrate that the individualizing foundations are aligned with attitudes and beliefs relevant to preferences for equality versus inequality (i.e., SDO and competitive‐jungle beliefs), whereas the binding foundations are aligned with attitudes and beliefs relevant to preferences for openness versus social conformity (i.e., RWA and dangerous‐world beliefs). We conclude by discussing the consequences of these findings for our understanding of the relationship between sociopolitical and moral orientations.     

认知能力对学业成绩的影响:有中介的调节模型

学业成绩是衡量学生掌握知识水平的重要指标,受到认知能力、社会支持和学习动机等多重因素的显著影响,而这多重因素间的关系及其对学业成绩的共同作用机制尚不明确。本研究采用标准化的认知能力测验、社会支持量表、学习动机量表对4,973名初中生进行测试,并以各科测验成绩总分的平均值作为学业成绩指标。结果表明：（1）认知能力、社会支持、学习动机均与学业成绩正相关;（2）社会支持在认知能力对学业成绩的影响中起调节作用,学生感受到的社会支持水平越高,学业成绩表现越好,且其认知能力对学业成绩的预测作用越强;（3）社会支持的调节作用部分通过学习动机这一中介变量实现。本研究构建了一个基于个体因素（认知能力和学习动机）和环境因素（社会支持）共同影响学业成绩的理论模型,有利于人们深入理解认知能力影响学业成绩的内在机制和边界条件,为提升学生学业成绩提供了理论依据和实证支持。