Phonological codes are assembled before word fixation: evidence from boundary paradigm in sentence reading

This experiment employed the boundary paradigm during sentence reading to explore the nature of early phonological coding in reading. Fixation durations were shorter when the parafoveal preview was the correct word than when it was a spelling control pseudoword. In contrast, there was no significant difference between correct word and pseudohomophone previews. These results suggest that the phonological codes are assembled before word fixation and are used for lexical access. Moreover, there was evidence that orthographic codes influence the activation of word meaning. We found that fixation durations were shorter for orthographically similar parafoveal previews, and this orthographic priming effect is limited to pseudohomophones. Thus, it seems that both the orthographic and the phonological similarities of the parafoveal preview to the target play a part in the facilitative effects of the preview.     

Lexical access during eye fixations in reading: effects of word-initial letter sequence

Two experiments tested the hypothesis that lexical access in reading is initiated on the basis of word-initial letter information obtainable in the parafoveal region. Eye movements were monitored while college students read sentences containing target words whose initial trigram (Experiment 1) or bigram (Experiment 2) imposed either a high or a low degree of constraint in the lexicon. In contradiction to our hypothesis, high-constraint words (e.g., DWARF) received longer fixations than did low-constraint words (e.g., CLOWN), despite the fact that high-constraint words have an initial letter sequence shared by few other words in the lexicon. Moreover, a comparison of fixation times in viewing conditions with and without parafoveal letter information showed that the amount of decrease in target fixation time due to prior parafoveal availability was the same for high-constraint and low-constraint targets. We concluded that increased familiarity of word-initial letter sequence is beneficial to lexical access and that familiarity affects the efficiency of foveal but not parafoveal processing.     

快速与慢速读者的中央凹加工对副中央凹预视的影响

在中文阅读中, 预视量是否存在个体差异及其是否受中央凹加工调节, 尚不清楚。本研究采用眼动技术和边界范式, 通过操纵前目标词的加工负荷(高、低)与目标词的预视(相同、假字)来考察快速与慢速读者的中央凹加工对副中央凹预视的影响。结果显示, 中央凹负荷主效应显著; 快速读者对低负荷词的首次和单次注视短于高负荷词, 而慢速读者对两种负荷词的首次和单次注视无差异, 表明快速读者能更快利用词汇特性加工中央凹词汇。预视主效应显著, 即与假字预视相比, 相同预视使两组读者都对目标词的注视更短、向前眼跳更长、跳读率更高; 而且该效应与中央凹负荷没有交互作用。这表明快速读者与慢速读者提取了等量预视, 且不受其中央凹加工的调节。E-Z读者模型和SWIFT模型不能完全解释当前结果。     

中文阅读中副中央凹区域文本信息加工时程的眼动研究

副中央凹文本对阅读有非常重要的作用,考察读者在注视何时起对其加工有助于解决阅读中词汇加工方式的理论问题,当前研究结果存在很大争论。本研究采用消失文本范式,操纵词n-1和n+1的呈现时间(0m/40ms),考察读者加工两侧副中央凹信息的时程。结果发现,相比0ms,在注视早期40ms内,词n+1的呈现能够显著促进阅读加工,而词n-1未对阅读产生影响,表明右侧副中央凹信息的加工发生在注视早期,而左侧则未发生在该早期阶段。结果支持阅读眼动控制的并列加工模型。     

Effects of foveal processing difficulty on the perceptual span in reading: implications for attention and eye movement control

Two experiments were conducted to examine the effects of foveal processing difficulty on the perceptual span in reading. Subjects read sentences while their eye movements were recorded. By changing the text contingent on the reader's current point of fixation, foveal processing difficulty and the availability of parafoveal word information were independently manipulated. In Experiment 1, foveal processing difficulty was manipulated by lexical frequency, and in Experiment 2 foveal difficulty was manipulated by syntactic complexity. In both experiments, less parafoveal information was acquired when processing in the fovea was difficult. We conclude that the perceptual span is variable and attentionally constrained. We also discuss the implications of the results for current models of the relation between covert visual-spatial attention and eye movement control in reading.     

Flexible parafoveal encoding of character order supports word predictability effects in Chinese reading: Evidence from eye movements

Several eye-movement studies have revealed flexibility in the parafoveal processing of character-order information in Chinese reading. In particular, studies show that processing a two-character word in a sentence benefits more from parafoveal preview of a nonword created by transposing rather than replacing its two characters. One issue that has not been investigated is whether the contextual predictability of the target word influences this processing of character order information. However, such a finding would provide novel evidence for an early influence of context on lexical processing in Chinese reading. Accordingly, we investigated this issue in an eye-movement experiment using the boundary paradigm and sentences containing two-character target words with high or low contextual predictability. Prior to the reader’s gaze crossing an invisible boundary, each target word was shown normally (i.e. a valid preview) or with its two characters either transposed or replaced by unrelated characters to create invalid nonword previews. These invalid previews reverted to the target word once the reader’s gaze crossed the invisible boundary. The results showed larger preview benefits (i.e. a decrease in fixation times) for target words following transposed-character than substituted-character previews, revealing a transposed-character effect similar to that in previous research. In addition, a word predictability effect (shorter fixation times for words with high than low predictability) was observed following both valid and transposed-character previews, but not substituted-character previews. The findings therefore reveal that context can influence an early stage of lexical processing in Chinese reading during which character order is processed flexibly.

     

A test of parafoveal‐on‐foveal effects with pairs of orthographically related words

One of the main controversies in the field of eye movements in reading concerns the question of whether the processing of two adjacent words in reading occurs in sequence, or in parallel. To distinguish between these views, the present experiment tested the presence of parafoveal‐on‐foveal effects with pairs of orthographically related words (or neighbours that differed by a single letter) in a controlled but reading‐like situation. Results revealed that fixation times on a foveal target word were shorter when the target was accompanied by an orthographically similar parafoveal word than when the parafoveal word was dissimilar. Furthermore, the size of the effect tended to vary with both the relative frequency of target and parafoveal words, and the position of the critical letter. These results were interpreted in the framework of a pure parallel processing hypothesis, where the processing of adjacent words is only limited by visual acuity, and the respective lexical properties of the foveal and parafoveal words.     

语境预测性对中文高低阅读技能儿童预视加工的影响

采用呈现随注视变化的边界范式(boundary paradigm),操作目标词的语境预测性和预视类型,考察高、低阅读技能儿童在词汇预视加工中语境预测效应的差异。结果发现,高、低阅读技能儿童对语境预测性的使用在发生时程上存在差异,高阅读技能儿童从词汇副中央凹预视加工阶段开始利用语境预测性信息,而低阅读技能儿童则在加工晚期更加依赖语境预测性信息,符合预测编码框架理论对儿童语境预测性效应差异的解释。     

Effects of parafoveal word length and orthographic features on initial fixation landing positions in reading

Previous research has demonstrated that readers use word length and word boundary information in targeting saccades into upcoming words while reading. Previous studies have also revealed that the initial landing positions for fixations on words are affected by parafoveal processing. In the present study, we examined the effects of word length and orthographic legality on targeting saccades into parafoveal words. Long (8?C9 letters) and short (4?C5 letters) target words, which were matched on lexical frequency and initial letter trigram, were paired and embedded into identical sentence frames. The gaze-contingent boundary paradigm (Rayner, 1975) was used to manipulate the parafoveal information available to the reader before direct fixation on the target word. The parafoveal preview was either identical to the target word or was a visually similar nonword. The nonword previews contained orthographically legal or orthographically illegal initial letters. The results showed that orthographic preprocessing of the word to the right of fixation affected eye movement targeting, regardless of word length. Additionally, the lexical status of an upcoming saccade target in the parafovea generally did not influence preprocessing.     

Lexical integration across saccades in reading

Summary Eye movements were recorded during sentence reading to examine the integration of parafoveal text across fixations. Four viewing conditions were used, each affording full view of the directly fixated word: no preview of the spatially adjacent parafoveal word; preview of its beginning trigram; preview of its beginning four letters; or preview of all its constituent letters. The magnitude of parafoveal-preview benefits (the difference between the no-preview condition and the different parafoveal-preview conditions) was examined as a function of the size of the saccade to the parafoveal target and as a function of the subsequent fixation location at the previewed target. The results revealed no effects of saccade size on parafoveal-preview benefits, but large effects of fixation position during the initial target fixation. Furthermore, parafoveal previews were used during the initial target fixation and during subsequent intratarget refixations. The results support a lexical-text-integration hypothesis which posits that lexical information is integrated across interword fixations and intraword refixations.     

Orthographic familiarity influences initial eye fixation positions in reading

An important issue in the understanding of eye movements in reading is what kind of nonfoveal information can influence where we move our eyes. In Experiment 1, first fixation landing positions were nearer the beginning of misspelled words. Experiment 2 showed that the informativeness of word beginnings does not influence where words are first fixated. In both experiments, refixations were more likely to be to the left of the initial fixation position if the words were misspelled. Also, there was no influence of spelling on prior fixation durations or refixation probabilities, that is, there was no evidence for parafoveal‐on‐foveal effects. The results show that the orthographic familiarity, but not informativeness, of word initial letter sequences influences where words are first fixated.     

2~5年级小学生汉字识别中预视效应的发展研究

在阅读时,读者可以获取副中央凹处的词汇信息,副中央凹加工是构成流畅阅读的重要因素。本研究从儿童语言发展的角度,通过3个实验（共534名被试）,考察了汉语视觉字词加工中2~5年级学生的字形、语音、语义预视效应。结果发现：（1）2~5年级小学生均有字形预视效应;（2）2、3年级学生没有语音预视效应,4、5年级学生有此效应;（3）2年级学生没有语义预视效应,3、4、5年级学生有此效应。这表明,低水平的视觉信息—字形信息在儿童副中央凹加工中一直稳定地发挥作用;高水平的语言信息—语音和语义信息,随着儿童年级的升高和阅读技能的提升,逐渐地在儿童的副中央凹加工中发挥作用。儿童对汉字各类型信息的获取与使用的发展模式不同于拼音文字阅读发展理论的预测。     

Direct lexical control of eye movements in reading: evidence from a survival analysis of fixation durations

Participants' eye movements were monitored in an experiment that manipulated the frequency of target words (high vs. low) as well as their availability for parafoveal processing during fixations on the pre-target word (valid vs. invalid preview). The influence of the word-frequency by preview validity manipulation on the distributions of first fixation duration was examined by using ex-Gaussian fitting as well as a novel survival analysis technique which provided precise estimates of the timing of the first discernible influence of word frequency on first fixation duration. Using this technique, we found a significant influence of word frequency on fixation duration in normal reading (valid preview) as early as 145ms from the start of fixation. We also demonstrated an equally rapid non-lexical influence on first fixation duration as a function of initial landing position (location) on target words. The time-course of frequency effects, but not location effects was strongly influenced by preview validity, demonstrating the crucial role of parafoveal processing in enabling direct lexical control of reading fixation times. Implications for models of eye-movement control are discussed.     

An Analysis of the Time Course of Lexical Processing During Reading

Reingold, Reichle, Glaholt, and Sheridan (2012) reported a gaze‐contingent eye‐movement experiment in which survival‐curve analyses were used to examine the effects of word frequency, the availability of parafoveal preview, and initial fixation location on the time course of lexical processing. The key results of these analyses suggest that lexical processing begins very rapidly (after approximately 120 ms) and is supported by substantial parafoveal processing (more than 100 ms). Because it is not immediately obvious that these results are congruent with the theoretical assumption that words are processed and identified in a strictly serial manner, we attempted to simulate the experiment using the E‐Z Reader model of eye‐movement control (Reichle, 2011). These simulations were largely consistent with the empirical results, suggesting that parafoveal processing does play an important functional role by allowing lexical processing to occur rapidly enough to mediate direct control over when the eyes move during reading.     

Parafoveal preview benefits during silent and oral reading: Testing the parafoveal information extraction hypothesis

The preview of a parafoveally visible word conveys benefits when it is subsequently fixated. The current study examined whether these benefits are determined by the effectiveness of parafoveal information extraction, as implied by current models of eye movement control during reading, or by the effectiveness with which extracted information is integrated when a previewed word is fixated. For this, the boundary technique was used to manipulate the extent to which parafoveal information could be extracted, and text was read silently or orally. Consistent with prior work, a parafoveal target word preview conveyed fewer benefits when less parafoveal information could be extracted, target viewing durations were longer during oral than during silent reading, and the two factors interacted in the target fixation data, with smaller preview benefits during oral than during silent reading. Survival analyses indicated that this occurred because parafoveal information use occurred at later point in time during oral reading. Diminished opportunity for parafoveal information extraction also diminished target skipping rate, and it resulted in smaller saccades to target words, but these effects were not influenced by reading mode. Parafoveally extracted information was thus used less effectively during oral reading only when it involved the integration of parafoveally extracted information during subsequent target viewing. The dissociation of extraction from integration challenges current models of eye movement control.     

Eye movements and the perceptual span in silent and oral reading

Previous research has examined parafoveal processing during silent reading, but little is known about the role of these processes in oral reading. Given that masking parafoveal information slows down silent reading, we asked whether a similar effect also occurs in oral reading. To investigate the role of parafoveal processing in silent and oral reading, we manipulated the parafoveal information available to readers by changing the size of a gaze-contingent moving window. Participants read silently and orally in a one-word window and a three-word window condition as we monitored their eye movements. The lack of parafoveal information slowed reading speed in both oral and silent reading. However, the effects of parafoveal information were larger in silent reading than in oral reading, because of different effects of preview information on both when the eyes move and how often. Parafoveal information benefitted silent reading for faster readers more than for slower readers.     

Word processing in the parafoveal region

This study examined the role of words viewed in the parafoveal region during reading. In contrast to previous work, the present experiments used a reading-aloud paradigm that was postulated to encourage letter-to-sound processing, as is typical for beginning readers and for skilled readers who are reading difficult material. The three experiments in this study examined the role of orthographic and semantic information in the parafoveal region on the processing of a word in the foveal region. For this, two words, one in the foveal region and the other in the parafoveal region, were presented side by side to resemble normal reading. Participants were instructed to read aloud the word on the left side, ignoring the word on the right side. Experiments 1 and 2 showed that the presence of a word in the parafoveal region slowed naming of target words, and that this delay was attributable to linguistic interference. This pattern indicates that the information in the parafoveal region affect the processing of the target. Experiment 3 showed an effect of parafoveal semantic information on processing of the target word. In sum the results of the current study suggest that information in the parafoveal region appears to be linguistically processed but to a weaker degree than the focused word. In sum, the results of the experiments in the current study indicate that the influence of parafoveal information is quite lexical and semantic information in the parafoveal region affects processing of the target in the foveal region.     

Eye movement guidance in reading: the role of parafoveal letter and space information

The relation between parafoveal letter and space information in eye movement guidance during reading was investigated in 2 experiments. Contingent upon the reader's fixation, the type of parafoveal information available to the right of fixation was varied by (a) space information only, (b) space information with letter information added at some delay, or (c) letter and space information simultaneously. In addition, the onset of the relevant parafoveal information was delayed between 0 and 250 ms into the fixation. The time course of processing the 2 types of information (letters or spaces) differed, as did the nature of their impact on the eye movement record. Although both letter and space information influenced saccade length and initial landing positions within words, only letter information had an effect on fixation duration. In addition, fixation duration was affected only by information entering within the first 50 ms of the fixation, whereas saccade length was affected by information arriving at any time during the fixation. The results are consistent with a model of eye movement control in which 2 independent processes are operating in tandem to determine when and where to move the eyes during reading.     

Lexical and sublexical semantic preview benefits in Chinese reading

Semantic processing from parafoveal words is an elusive phenomenon in alphabetic languages, but it has been demonstrated only for a restricted set of noncompound Chinese characters. Using the gaze-contingent boundary paradigm, this experiment examined whether parafoveal lexical and sublexical semantic information was extracted from compound preview characters. Results generalized parafoveal semantic processing to this representative set of Chinese characters and extended the parafoveal processing to radical (sublexical) level semantic information extraction. Implications for notions of parafoveal information extraction during Chinese reading are discussed.     

Right visual field advantage in parafoveal processing: Evidence from eye-fixation-related potentials

Readers acquire information outside the current eye fixation. Previous research indicates that having only the fixated word available slows reading, but when the next word is visible, reading is almost as fast as when the whole line is seen. Parafoveal-on-foveal effects are interpreted to reflect that the characteristics of a parafoveal word can influence fixation on a current word. Prior studies also show that words presented to the right visual field (RVF) are processed faster and more accurately than words in the left visual field (LVF). This asymmetry results either from an attentional bias, reading direction, or the cerebral asymmetry of language processing. We used eye-fixation-related potentials (EFRP), a technique that combines eye-tracking and electroencephalography, to investigate visual field differences in parafoveal-on-foveal effects. After a central fixation, a prime word appeared in the middle of the screen together with a parafoveal target that was presented either to the LVF or to the RVF. Both hemifield presentations included three semantic conditions: the words were either semantically associated, non-associated, or the target was a non-word. The participants began reading from the prime and then made a saccade towards the target, subsequently they judged the semantic association. Between 200 and 280 ms from the fixation onset, an occipital P2 EFRP-component differentiated between parafoveal word and non-word stimuli when the parafoveal word appeared in the RVF. The results suggest that the extraction of parafoveal information is affected by attention, which is oriented as a function of reading direction.