Are forward and backward recall the same? A dual-task study of digit recall

There is some debate surrounding the cognitive resources underlying backward digit recall. Some researchers consider it to differ from forward digit recall due to the involvement of executive control, while others suggest that backward recall involves visuospatial resources. Five experiments therefore investigated the role of executive-attentional and visuospatial resources in both forward and backward digit recall. In the first, participants completed visuospatial 0-back and 2-back tasks during the encoding of information to be remembered. The concurrent tasks did not differentially disrupt performance on backward digit recall, relative to forward digit recall. Experiment 2 shifted concurrent load to the recall phase instead and, in this case, revealed a larger effect of both tasks on backward recall, relative to forwards recall, suggesting that backward recall may draw on additional resources during the recall phase and that these resources are visuospatial in nature. Experiments 3 and 4 then further investigated the role of visual processes in forward and backward recall using dynamic visual noise (DVN). In Experiment 3, DVN was presented during encoding of information to be remembered and had no effect upon performance. However, in Experiment 4, it was presented during the recall phase, and the results provided evidence of a role for visual imagery in backward digit recall. These results were replicated in Experiment 5, in which the same list length was used for forward and backward recall tasks. The findings are discussed in terms of both theoretical and practical implications.     

Free recall measures of short-term store: Are rehearsal and order of recall data necessary?

Several investigators have claimed that immediate free recall is a composite of output from two different storage systems—a short-term store (STS) and a long-term store (LTS). Free recall data and measures of STS were evaluated by having subjects report their rehearsals while lists of words were presented at a rate of one word every 1.25, 2.50, or 5.00 sec. The results support the conclusions that (a) arranging recall as a function of where an item was presented, rather than where it was rehearsed, is inappropriate to discussions of STS and LTS, and (b) computing measures of STS without both rehearsal and order of recall data yields a biased estimate of STS.

     

Temporal–contextual processing in working memory: Evidence from delayed cued recall and delayed free recall tests

Three experiments are reported that addressed the nature of processing in working memory by investigating patterns of delayed cued recall and free recall of items initially studied during complex and simple span tasks. In Experiment 1, items initially studied during a complex span task (i.e., operation span) were more likely to be recalled after a delay in response to temporal–contextual cues, relative to items from subspan and supraspan list lengths in a simple span task (i.e., word span). In Experiment 2, items initially studied during operation span were more likely to be recalled from neighboring serial positions during delayed free recall than were items studied during word span trials. Experiment 3 demonstrated that the number of attentional refreshing opportunities strongly predicts episodic memory performance, regardless of whether the information is presented in a spaced or massed format in a modified operation span task. The results indicate that the content–context bindings created during complex span trials reflect attentional refreshing opportunities that are used to maintain items in working memory.     

Does feigning amnesia impair subsequent recall?

Defendants who are accused of serious crimes sometimes feign amnesia to evade criminal responsibility. Previous research has suggested that feigning amnesia might impair subsequent recall. In two experiments, participants read and heard a story about a central character, described as “you,” who was responsible for the death of either a puppy (Experiment 1) or a friend (Experiment 2). On free and cued recall tests immediately after the story, participants who had feigned amnesia recalled less than did participants who had recalled accurately. One week later, when all participants recalled accurately, participants who had previously feigned amnesia still performed worse than did participants who had recalled accurately both times. However, the participants who had formerly feigned amnesia did not perform worse than did a control group who had received only the delayed recall tests. Our results suggest that a “feigned amnesia effect” may reflect nothing more than differential practice at recall. Feigning amnesia for a crime need not impair memory for that crime when a person later seeks to remember accurately.     

Grammatical structure and recall: A function of the space in immediate memory or of recall delay?

Savin and Perchonock suggest that when a sentence and additional unrelated words are presented for immediate recall, the number of words recalled in addition to that sentence represents the space left over in a limited memory store after the sentence and its transformational tag have been stored. They report error data and word-recall data in support of a transformational model of sentence processing. In two replications of that study, error data failed to support the transformational model. Furthermore, the word-recall data could be attributed to differential word-recall delays-the more complex the sentence, the longer the delay between word presentation and word recall. These findings, as well as others in the literature. fail to support a transformational interpretation of sentence processing.     

Is scanning in probed order recall articulatory?

We consider how theories of serial recall might apply to other short-term memory tasks involving recall of order. In particular, we consider the possibility that when participants are cued to recall an item at an arbitrary position in a sequence, they covertly serially recall the list up to the cued position. One question is whether such “scanning” is articulatory in nature. Two experiments are presented in which the syllabic length of words preceding and following target positions were manipulated, to test the prediction of an articulatory-based mechanism that time to recall an item at a particular position will depend on the number of preceding long words. Although latency was dependent on target position, no word length effects on latency were observed. Additionally, the effects of word length on accuracy replicate recent demonstrations in serial recall that recall accuracy is dependent on the word length of all list items, not just that of target items, in line with distinctiveness assumptions. It is concluded that if scanning does occur, it is not carried out by covert or overt articulation.     

Separate memory laws for recall of performed acts?

The present study was inspired by an experimental report by Cohen (1981). where recall of subject performed minitasks was demonstrated to give serial position curves without primacy effect. The question raised was whether this deviation implied the formulation of new memory laws. Eight new experiments were conducted. Two of them replicated Cohen's observations; one with concretely performed acts, and one with symbolically performed acts. A third experiment examined recall of proposed, nonperformed acts, with results similar to those found in the other minitask experiments. Four experiments studied the effect of visually imagining act performance, again with results which demonstrated the existence of interesting similarities between the different types of act recall. Several of the experiments explored the role of self-involvement and task familiarity, and the last experiment was specially designed to test a task-difficulty hypothesis. The results were discussed in terms of a representation-system theory, a nonstrategic lack-of-rehearsal interpretation, and in terms of a general problem-solving account. None of these theories were found, all observations taken together, to have been clearly supported or clearly disproved, and more evidence was therefore deemed necessary before new memory laws need to be postulated.     

Intact retrieval inhibition in children’s episodic recall

Young children are assumed to be inefficient inhibitors in a number of cognitive tasks. In two experiments, we examined whether such deficits extend to children's episodic recall. We used two inhibition paradigms: retrieval-induced forgetting, the detrimental effect of retrieval practice with a subset of learned items on recall of the unpracticed items, and part-list cuing, the detrimental effect of the presentation of a subset of learned items on recall of the remaining items. In both experiments, the inhibitory effects were compared across three age groups: first or second graders, fourth graders, and young adults. The two children groups showed the same amounts of retrieval-induced forgetting and part-list cuing as the adult group, pointing to intact retrieval inhibition in young children's episodic recall. These results parallel very recent results on older adults' episodic recall, suggesting that both retrieval-induced forgetting and part-list cuing develop early in life and remain intact for the greater part of the lifespan.     

Intrusions in preschoolers’ recall of traumatic childhood events

We investigated the presence of intrusions in preschoolers’ memories for traumatic incidents by examining 30-, 36-, and 48-month-olds’ initial and 6-month recall of traumatic events that required emergency room treatment. The basic findings were (1) the number of preschoolers who produced an intrusion at the 6th month’s interview declined with age, (2) only the youngest preschoolers produced reliably more intrusions at 6 months than initially, (3) the amount of intruded information did not vary with age, and (4) the amount of information correctly recalled about the target traumatic event increased with age and was not affected by the presence of intrusions at any age. That preschoolers were able to recall considerable information concerning the target event, regardless of whether they did or did not produce intrusions, has implications for the veracity of their memories of trauma in real-life situations over extended retention intervals.     

Are written and spoken recall of text equivalent?

Writing is less practiced than speaking, graphemic codes are activated only in writing, and the retrieved representations of the text must be maintained in working memory longer because handwritten output is slower than speech. These extra demands on working memory could result in less effort being given to retrieval during written compared with spoken text recall. To test this hypothesis, college students read or heard Bartlett's "War of the Ghosts" and then recalled the text in writing or speech. Spoken recall produced more accurately recalled propositions and more major distortions (e.g., inferences) than written recall. The results suggest that writing reduces the retrieval effort given to reconstructing the propositions of a text.     

Stability and consistency of children’s event recall

The purpose of the study was to investigate consistency of recall across different tasks of event recall (similar to eyewitness tasks) and stability of performance across two different events. Additionally, developmental differences in consistency and stability were explored. 6-, 8-, and 10-year-old children were subsequently shown two different events (videos) and were questioned about each event in two separate interviews. For both videos, performance levels in free recall, unbiased cued recall, and suggestibility were at similar levels, with older children generally outperforming younger children. As to intertask consistency of recall, there were significant correlations between correct free recall and correct unbiased cued recall but not between correct free recall and yielding to suggestive questions. All three measures of eyewitness performance showed significant group stability (test-retest correlations) across the two interviews, regardless of age. However, individual stability (lability) was lower, which points to moderate individual differences in stability across the two interviews. The findings are discussed in terms of underlying cognitive skills and the problem of predicting a single child’s memory performance in real cases of eyewitness testimony.     

To what extent do interactive pictures promote recall?

In four experiments, a total of 352 subjects viewed word pairs alone or accompanied by pictures, after which they were given a cued-recall test. Although Exps. 1 and 2 showed that recall of brand names was similar with separate and with interactive pictures, it was argued that the latter provided a cue enabling subjects to combine the separate components mentally. In Exp. 3, recall of both low concrete nouns and brand names was enhanced with interactive pictures and the effect was replicated in Exp. 4 with subjects who were learning English. These results offer hope to advertisers who wish to use interactive pictures whose relationship to their names is indirect.     

Developmental differences in recall: Encoding or retrieval?

First- and fifth-grade children and college adults (ages 6, 10, and 18 years, respectively) were presented a 30-item set of pictures to recall in a 4-trial study-test procedure. The stimuli were presented in one of three ways (encoding condition): randomly, blocked (according to categories), or sort (the subject was given the stimuli in random order and asked to sort them into categories). Recall was either free, cued, or constrained (retrieval condition). Results indicated that maximum adult recall was a function of the interaction of encoding and retrieval conditions, and that first- and fifth-grader's recall was influenced by retrieval conditions but not by encoding conditions. The blocked and sort encoding conditions did result in increased clustering relative to random encoding at all three ages, however. It was concluded that encoding conditions influence recall only as they effect the use of retrieval strategies.     

The “soap opera” effect in story recall

When people learn a series of actions of a character, their memory is strongly influenced, we suggest, by beliefs about that character’s motives. Motives serve as schema for deciding the meaning of the actions, their importance, and their interconnections. In two experiments, subjects read and later remembered some dull activities of a character. Experimental subjects knew what this character was worrying about (e.g., an unwanted pregnancy); control subjects did not. Recall and recognition showed that motive subjects distorted many of the colorless events to be motive relevant. Although the motive schema helped connect the disparate actions, it interfered with accurate recording and recall of the details.     

Does remembering emotional items impair recall of same-emotion items?

In the part-set cuing effect, cuing a subset of previously studied items impairs recall of the remaining noncued items. This experiment reveals that cuing participants with previously-studied emotional pictures (e.g., fearevoking pictures of people) can impair recall of pictures involving the same emotion but different content (e.g., fear-evoking pictures of animals). This indicates that new events can be organized in memory using emotion as a grouping function to create associations. However, whether new information is organized in memory along emotional or nonemotional lines appears to be a flexible process that depends on people’s current focus. Mentioning in the instructions that the pictures were either amusement- or fear-related led to memory impairment for pictures with the same emotion as cued pictures, whereas mentioning that the pictures depicted either animals or people led to memory impairment for pictures with the same type of actor.     

Sublexical or lexical effects on serial recall of nonwords?

S. E. Gathercole, C. R. Frankish, S. J. Pickering, and S. Peaker (1999) reported 2 experiments in which they manipulated phonotactic properties of nonword stimuli and observed the effects on serial recall. Their results show superior recall for items consisting of more frequent phoneme pairs (biphone frequency). Biphone frequency was counted as the number of 3 phoneme words in which the phoneme pair occurs. In the first experiment of the current article, the authors made the same manipulation while controlling for the number of lexical neighbors and found no effect of biphone frequency. In the second experiment, the authors manipulated neighborhood size while controlling biphone frequency and found a significant effect of neighborhood size. The authors argued that serial recall of nonwords is influenced by lexical rather than sublexical knowledge.     

Recognition vs. recall: Storage or retrieval differences?

Differences between recognition and recall performance may be due to differences in storage processes, differences in retrieval processes, or some combination of both. An attempt was made to determine which process was critical by withholding information, at the time of study of a stimulus-response pair, about how that item was to be tested on its next presentation. It was found that differences between recognition and recall did not depend upon whether or not the subject knew, at time of study, the mode of test to be employed. These results were interpreted as support for the assertion that, in this particular task, differences in retrieval processes were sufficient to account for differences in recognition and recall. It was found that both the direction and magnitude of the recognition-recall difference depended upon the guessing correction employed.     

Schema anticipation in recall: memory process or report strategy?

Summary This article reports an experimental investigation testing the hypothesis that recall reports are systematically biased by the recaller's knowledge about who is to receive the recall report, while that bias is absent from a recognition test. Subjects listened to one of two versions of a story recounting John's visit to the doctor. After the story was read, subjects were asked to recall the story either with standard-recall instructions or with instructions to recall for peers, for Martians, or for a contest. In a fifth condition, subjects performed a filler activity, viz., the recall of a personal experience. After the recall test subjects were administered a recognition test. Between the groups no systematic differences in memory performance were observed in the recognition test. Recall for peers appeared to be poorer than recall in the other conditions. Subjects in the recall for a contest condition scored higher than the subjects in the other groups. Not only did groups differ with respect to bias, but there were also systematic differences in the memory or discrimination scores. The findings are discussed within the framework of schema theory.