Linguistic relativism and selective adaptation for speech: A comparative study of English and Thai

The effect of repeated exposure to prevoiced and voiced stimuli on the voiced/voiceless category boundary was compared for monolingual native English speakers and bilingual native speakers of Thai. The English speakers, for whom the two adaptors were members of the same phoneme class, showed equivalent shifts towards the adapting stimulus under both conditions. The Thai subjects, who perceived the two adaptors as belonging to two distinct phoneme classes, showed a shift of the voiced/voiceless boundary only for the voiced adaptation condition; exposure to the prevoiced adaptor had no effect.     

Selective adaptation of English consonants using real speech

Most English consonant-vowel (CV) syllables have other CV syllables embedded within them. For example, splicing sufficient energy from the onset of [k^ha] yields [p^ha], splicing into [ma] or [va] yields [ba], and splicing into [?a] yields [da]. We spliced successively longer segments from naturally spoken CV syllables to produce sequences of CV syllables which varied in discrete acoustic steps from [k^ha] to [p^ha], from [?a] to [da], from [ma] to [ba], from [fa] to [ba], and from [va] to [ba]. Random presentation of syllables in each series resulted in identification functions with typically sharp phoneme boundaries. For example, in the seven-syllable [?a]-[da] series (where [?a] was the original or first syllable), there were98% [?a] responses to Syllable 3, but only 12% [?a] responses (88% [da] responses) to Syllable 5. Following the identification test, subjects listened to 180 repetitions of either the first or last syllable in the test series, and were again required to identify randomly presented syllables from the test series. A shift in the phoneme boundary toward the repeated (adapting) syllable was observed for 11 of the 12 repeated syllables. Repeated presentation of [?a], for example, resulted in fewer [?a] responses to syllables in the [?a]-[da] series, compared to performance on the previous identification test. Likewise, repeated listening to [da] resulted in a decrease in [da] responses. Adaptation was selective in that syllables near the phoneme boundary were most affected by the adapting syllable. A shift in the phoneme boundary was also observed for two different continua when the adapting stimulus contained an acoustic feature identical to syllables in the test series. Thus, selective adaptation was found along a [ma]-[ba] continuum following repeated presentation of [na] and following repeated presentation of nasal resonance removed from its syllable context. A second major result, observed in five different experiments, was an asymmetrical adaptation effect. A greater shift in the phoneme boundary was observed following repeated presentation of the first syllable in each series (e.g., [?a]) than for the final embedded syllable (e.g., [da]). The results were discussed in terms of two different models of-selective adaptation.     

Susceptibility of a stop consonant to adaptation on a speech-nonspeech continuum: Further evidence against feature detectors in speech perception

The present experiment uses the perceptual adaptation paradigm to establish the validity of a previous test of the feature detector model of speech perception. In the present study, a synthetic stimulus series varied from a CV syllable, [ba], to a nonspeech buzz. When the endpoint tokens were employed alternatively as adaptors, the category boundary was shifted relative to unadapted identification in each adaptor condition. This result suggests that a prior test which used a vowel as the speech endpoint was legitimate because a stop consonant, an exemplary speech sound, was also susceptible to perceptual adaptation in a speech-nonspeech context. Feature detector models predict, incorrectly, that this outcome is impossible. Therefore, this finding may be taken to undermine the interpretation of adaptation as fatigue in a set of detectors tuned to detect the distinctive features of linguistic analysis.     

Auditory property detectors and processing place features in stop consonants

The effects of selective adaptation on the perception of consonant-vowel (CV) stimuli varying in place of production was studied under two conditions. In the first condition, repeated presentation of a CV syllable produced an adaptation effect resulting in a shift in the locus of the phonetic boundary between [ba] and [da]. This result replicated previously reported findings. However, in the second condition, an adaptation effect was obtained on this same test series when the critical acoustic information (i.e., formant transitions) was present in final position of a VC speech-like syllable. These latter results support an auditory account of selective adaptation based on the spectral similarity of the adapting stimuli and test series rather than a more abstract linguistic account based on phonetic identity.     

Selective adaptation effects on end-point stimuli in a speech series

Recent experiments in speech perception using the selective adaptation paradigm have found that the phonetic boundary of a test series shifts following adaptation. However, no changes within the phonetic category have been found. In the present experiment, a series of voiced CV syllables which varied along the feature of place was used in a selective adaptation paradigm. The end-point stimuli trom the test series were used as adaptors. Subjects used a 6-point rating scale to respond to the stimuli instead of the usual two-category identification. The average rating for end-point stimuli from the same category as the adaptor, as well as the boundary stimuli, shifted as a function of adaptation. In all cases, the average rating response shifted toward that of the unadapted category. The average rating for stimuli in the opposite category from that of the adaptor remained relatively unchanged. These results indicate that the entire category of the adapting stimulus changes as a function of selective adaptation and that the effect is not confined to stimuli near the phonetic boundary.     

A “labial” feature analyzer in speech perception

A selective adaptation experiment was conducted to determine the ability of various adapting stimuli to alter the perception of a series of 13 synthetic speech syllables. The synthetic test syllables, which varied acoustically in the starting frequency and direction of second- and third-formant transitions, included stop consonant distinctions ofplace of articulation for the syllable types [bae], [dae], and [gae]. A systematic adaptation effect was produced in the locus of the bae-bae phonetic boundary for these stimuli after repetitive listening to each of the following adapting syllables: [bae], [p^hae], [mae], and [vae], indicating that perception ofplace distinctions among the stop consonants can be altered even by repetitive listening to certain speech sounds not belonging to the stop-consonant class.     

Testing the speech unit hypothesis with the primed matching task: Phoneme categories are perceptually basic

The basic speech unit (phoneme or syllable) problem was investigatedwith the primed matching task. In primed matching, subjects have to decide whether the elements of stimulus pairs are the same or different. The prime should facilitate matching in as far as its representation is similar to the stimuli to be matched. If stimulus representations generate graded structure, with stimulus instances being more or less prototypical for the category, priming should interact with prototypicality because prototypical instances are more similar to the activated category than are low-prototypical instances. Rosch (1975a, 1975b) showed that, by varying the matching criterion (matching for physical identity or for belonging to the same category), the specific patterns of the priming × prototypicality interaction could differentiate perceptually based from abstract categories. Bytesting this pattern forphoneme and syllable categories, the abstraction level of these categories canbe studied. After finding reliable prototypicality effects for both phoneme and syllable categories (Experiments 1 and 2), primed phoneme matching (Experiments 3 and 4) and primed syllable matching (Experiments 5 and 6) were used under both physical identity instructions and same-category instructions. The results make clear that phoneme categories are represented on the basis of perceptual information, whereas syllable representations are more abstract. The phoneme category can thus be identified as the basic speech unit. Implications for phoneme and syllable representation are discussed.     

Functional equivalence of masking and cue reduction in perception of shape at a slant

The present study was undertaken to investigate the effects of syllabic stress and segment structure on selective adaptation in speech. To this end, a CV place of articulation test continuum was selectively adapted by seven different adapting stimuli; the monosyllables [ba] and [ga], two disyllabic stimuli containing equal stress on both syllables, [baga] and [gabal, and three disyllabic stimuli ([baga]) in which stress placement varied and was cued by the acoustic parameters of fundamental frequency and duration. Results for the two adapting stimuli demonstrated significant [b] adaptation for the stimulus [ba] and significant [g] adaptation for [gal. Of the five other adapting stimuli, only [g] adaptation for the stimulus [bagá] was found to be significant. These findings indicate that the operation of detector mechanisms susceptible to fatigue by an adapting stimulus are even more constrained than has heretofore been suggested. It appears that the adapting and test stimuli must not only have the same phonetic and syllable structure, but also the same syllabic organization.     

Some properties of linguistic feature detectors

A series of experiments, using a selective adaptation procedure, investigated some of the properties of the linguistic feature detectors that mediate the perception of the voiced and voiceless stop consonants. The first experiment showed that these detectors are centrally rather than peripherally located, in that monotic presentation of the adapting stimulus and test stimuli to different ears resulted in large and reliable shifts in the locus of the phonetic boundary. The second experiment revealed that the detectors are part of the specialized speech processor, inasmuch as adaptation of a voicing detector (as measured by a shift in the phonetic boundary) occurred only when the voicing information was presented in a speech context. In the third experiment, the detector mediating perception of the voiced stops was shown to be more resistant to adaptation than the detector mediating perception of the voiceless stops.     

A further parallel between selective adaptation and contrast

It is generally believed that selective adaptation effects in speech perception are due to a reduction in sensitivity of auditory feature detectors. Recent evidence suggest that these effects may derive instead from contrast. In a further test of the contrast hypothesis, we conducted two experiments each involving both adaptation and contrast sessions with matching stimulus sets. During the adaptation sessions of Experiment 1, subjects identified two series of velar stimuli varying in voice onset time, [ga]-[kha] and [gi]-[khi], before and after adaptation with of the following stimuli: [ga], [kha], [gi], and [khi]. In the contrast session, subjects identified either of two ambiguous test items (drawn from near the phonetic boundaries of the [ga]-[kha] and the [gi]-[khi] series) following a single presentation of [ga], [kha], [gi], or [khi]. For both the adaptation and contrast sessions, (a) the [--a] test items were more greatly affected (in a contrast direction) by the [--a] than by the [--i] adaptor/context stimuli, and (b) the [--i] test items were not differentially affected by the [--1] and [--i] adaptor/context stimuli. An analogous design was used in Experiment 2, except that the stimulus sets varied in pitch rather than vowel quality. For both the adaptation and contrast sessions, the test items were not differentially affected by the pitch of the adaptor/context stimulus. These parallel results provide further evidence that adaptation effects are actually a form of contrast.     

Simple and contingent adaptation effects for place of articulation in stop consonants

Experiments on selective adaptation have shown that the locus of the phonetic category boundary between two segments shifts after repetitive listening to an adapting stimulus. Theoretical interpretations of these results have proposed that adaptation occurs either entirely at an auditory level of processing or at both auditory and more abstract phonetic levels. The present experiment employed two alternating stimuli as adaptors in an attempt to distinguish between these two possible explanations. Two alternating stimuli were used as adaptors in order to test for the presence of contingent effects and to compare these results to simple adaptation using only a single adaptor. Two synthetic CV series with different vowels that varied the place of articulation of the consonant were employed. When two alternating adaptors were used, contingent adaptation effects were observed for the two stimulus series. The direction of the shifts in each series was governed by the vowel context of the adapting syllables. Using the single adaptor data, a comparison was made between the additive effects of the single adaptors and their combined effects when presented in alternating pairs. With voiced adaptors, only within-series adaptation effects were found, and these data were consistent with a on,level model of selective adaptation. However, for the voiceless adaptors, both within- and cross-series adaptation effects were found, suggesting the possible presence of two levels of adaptation to place of articulation. Further, the contingent adaptation effects with the voiceless adaptors seemed to be the result of the additive effects of the two alternating adaptors. This result indicates that previously reported contingent adaptation results may also reflect the net vowel specific adaptation effects after cancellation of other, nonvowel dependent effects and that caution is needed in interpreting such results.     

Audiovisual presentation demonstrates that selective adaptation in speech perception is purely auditory

MRC Institute of Hearing Research, University of Nottingham, Nottingham NG72RD, England Both auditory and phonetic processes have been implicated by previous results from selective adaptation experiments using speech stimuli. It has proved difficult to dissociate their individual contributions because the auditory and phonetic structure of conventional acoustical stimuli are mutually predictive. In the present experiment, the necessary dissociation was achieved by using an audiovisual adaptor consisting of an acoustical [b?] synchronized to a video recording of a talker uttering the syllable [g?]. This stimulus was generally identified as one of the dentals [d?] or [??]. It produced an adaptation effect, measured with an acoustical [b?-d?] test continuum, identical in size and direction to that produced by an acoustical [b?]—an adaptor sharing its acoustical structure—and opposite in direction to that produced by an acoustical [d?]—an adaptor sharing its perceived phonetic identity. Thus, the result strongly suggests that auditory rather than phonetic levels of processing are influenced in selective adaptation.     

Contingent feature analysis in speech perception

A contingent adaptation effect is reported for speech perception. Experiments were conducted to test the effects of an alternating sequence of two adapting syllables, [da] and [t^hi], on the perception of two series of synthetic speech syllables, [ba]-[p^ha] and [bi]-[p^hi]. Each of the test series consisted of 11 stimuli varying in voice onset time, a cue which distinguishes voiced from voiceless stop consonants in word-initial position. The [da]-[t^hi] adapting sequence produced opposite shifts in the loci of the phonetic boundaries for the two test series. For the [ba]-[p^ha] series, listeners made fewer identification responses to the [b] category after adaptation, while for the [bi]-[p^hi] series, listeners made more responses to the [b] category. The opposing shifts indicate that the perceptual analysis of voicing in stop consonants is carried out with respect to vowel environment.     

Identification and adaptation of hue: Parallels in the operation of mechanisms that underlie categorical perception in vision and in audition

Summary Four experiments were conducted to examine processes in identification and selective adaptation of hues in color perception that exactly parallel processes in identification and adaptation of auditory detectors that provide information for phonemic perception. The first experiment demonstrated an effect of adaptation on identification of blue and green when a hue category center was used as the adaptor; this experiment also assessed recovery from adaptation. Adaptation to one hue was found to shift identification to favor the alternative hue, implicating a single detector underlying hue categorization. The second experiment demonstrated similar effects of adaptation between green and yellow. The third experiment compared the magnitudes of shift following adaptation with a category center, a near-boundary hue, and variously graded adaptation series. Adaptation was found to be related to the category representativeness of the adaptor(s). Results of the third experiment also provided support for the view that adaptation, rather than response bias, is responsible for shifts in the position of identification functions following extended stimulus exposure. The fourth experiment explored the neural loci of adaptation by an interocular transfer test. Hue adaptation was found to occur at both central and peripheral loci. In the four main experiments, reaction times to identify hues in unadapted and adapted states were also analyzed and compared. Subsidiary experiments assessed the effects of stimulus luminance on the magnitude of adaptation. General principles of categorical perception and its underlying bases, including the sweep, magnitude, and symmetry of adaptation, are discussed. The principal findings of these studies provide new data on hue perception which strikingly parallel findings in speech perception.     

Neural correlates of adaptation to voice identity

Apart from speech content, the human voice also carries paralinguistic information about speaker identity. Voice identification and its neural correlates have received little scientific attention up to now. Here we use event-related potentials (ERPs) in an adaptation paradigm, in order to investigate the neural representation and the time course of vocal identity processing. Participants adapted to repeated utterances of vowel-consonant-vowel (VCV) of one personally familiar speaker (either A or B), before classifying a subsequent test voice varying on an identity continuum between these two speakers. Following adaptation to speaker A, test voices were more likely perceived as speaker B and vice versa, and these contrastive voice identity aftereffects (VIAEs) were much more pronounced when the same syllable, rather than a different syllable, was used as adaptor. Adaptation induced amplitude reductions of the frontocentral N1-P2 complex and a prominent reduction of the parietal P3 component, for test voices preceded by identity-corresponding adaptors. Importantly, only the P3 modulation remained clear for across-syllable combinations of adaptor and test stimuli. Our results suggest that voice identity is contrastively processed by specialized neurons in auditory cortex within ～250 ms after stimulus onset, with identity processing becoming less dependent on speech content after ～300 ms.     

Are selective adaptation and contrast effects really distinct?

Although there is evidence that selective adaptation and contrast effects in speech perception are produced by the same mechanisms, Sawusch and Jusczyk (1981) reported a dissociation between the effects and concluded that adaptation and contrast occur at separate processing levels. They found that an ambiguous test stimulus was more likely to be labeled b following adaptation with [pha] and more likely to be labeled p following adaptation with [ba] or [spa] (the latter consisting of [ba] preceded by [s] noise). In the contrast session, where a single context stimulus occurred with a single test item, the [ba] and [pha] contexts had contrastive effects similar to those of the [ba] and [pha] adaptors, but the [spa] context produced an increase in b responses to the test stimulus, an effect opposite to that of the [spa] adaptor. One interpretation of this difference is that the rapid presentation of the [spa] adaptor gave rise to "streaming," whereby the [s] was perceptually segregated from the [ba]. In our experiment, we essentially replicated the results of Sawusch and Jusczyk (1981), using procedures similar to theirs. Next, we increased the interadaptor interval to remove the likelihood of stream segregation and found that the adaptation and contrast effects converged.     

The role of visual information in the processing of

Visual information provided by a talker’s mouth movements can influence the perception of certain speech features. Thus, the “McGurk effect” shows that when the syllable /bi/ is presented audibly, in synchrony with the syllable /gi/, as it is presented visually, a person perceives the talker as saying /di/. Moreover, studies have shown that interactions occur between place and voicing features in phonetic perception, when information is presented audibly. In our first experiment, we asked whether feature interactions occur when place information is specified by a combination of auditory and visual information. Members of an auditory continuum ranging from /ibi/ to /ipi/ were paired with a video display of a talker saying /igi/. The auditory tokens were heard as ranging from /ibi/ to /ipi/, but the auditory-visual tokens were perceived as ranging from /idi/ to /iti/. The results demonstrated that the voicing boundary for the auditory-visual tokens was located at a significantly longer VOT value than the voicing boundary for the auditory continuum presented without the visual information. These results demonstrate that place-voice interactions are not limited to situations in which place information is specified audibly. In three follow-up experiments, we show that (1) the voicing boundary is not shifted in the absence of a change in the global percept, even when discrepant auditory-visual information is presented; (2) the number of response alternatives provided for the subjects does not affect the categorization or the VOT boundary of the auditory-visual stimuli; and (3) the original effect of a VOT boundary shift is not replicated when subjects are forced by instruction to \ldrelabel\rd the /b-p/auditory stimuli as/d/or/t/. The subjects successfully relabeled the stimuli, but no shift in the VOT boundary was observed.     

Perceptuomotor adaptation to a speech feature

Selective adaptation experiments were conducted to test for the presence of a mechanism that mediates an aspect of both speech perception and speech production. Ss were instructed to utter /i/ or /bi/ after listening to repetitions of either of these syllables or to repetitions of the vowel /i/. Analysis of the utterances showed that a timing relation which distinguishes /pi/from /bi/, namely the latency in onset of voicing relative to the release burst of the consonant, varied systematically for the /pi/ utterances but not for the /bi/ utterances as a function of the speech input. The effect for the /pi/ utterances was shown not to be attributable to factors such as compensation for distorted perception of the /pi/ adapting stimulus or voluntary mimicry of this stimulus.     

Feature analyzers for the phonetic dimensionstop vs. continuant

Perception of sounds along the phonetic dimensionstop vs. continuant was studied by means of a selective adaptation procedure. Subjects first identified a series of synthetic consonant-vowel syllables whose formant transitions varied in duration, slope, and amplitude characteristics. They were perceived as either [ba] or [wa]. After the initial identification test, an adapting stimulus was presented repeatedly, and then the subjects again identified the original test series. Adapting with a stop (either [ba] or [da]) led to a decrease in the number of test stimuli identified as [ba], whereas adapting with the continuant sound [wa] led to an increase in the number of [ba] identification responses. Removing the vowel portion of an adapting stimulus greatly reduced the identification shift only when the resulting stimulus was no longer perceived as speech-like. A reduction in the number of [ba] identifications occurred even when a nonspeech “stop” (the sound of a plucked string) was used as the adapting stimulus, suggesting that phonetic processing is not a necessary condition for an adaptation effect.     

Processing of place information in stop consonants

One of the basic questior, s that models of speech perception must answer concerns the conditions under which various cues will be extracted from a stimulus and the nature of the mechanisms which mediate this process. Two selective adaptation experiments were carried out to explore this question for the phonetic feature of place of articulation in both syllableinitial and syllable-final positions. In the first experiment, CV and VC stimuli were constructed with complete overlap in their second- and third-formant transitions. Despite this essentially complete overlap, no adaptation effects were found for a VC adaptor and a CV test series (or vice versa). In the second experiment, various vowel, vowel-like, and VC-like adaptors were used. The VC-like adaptors did have a significant effect on the CV category boundary, while the vowel and vowel-like stimuli did not. These results are interpreted within both one- and twolevel models of selective adaptation. These models are distinguished by whether selective adaptation is assumed to affect a single auditory level of processing or to affect both an auditory level and a later phonetic level. However, both models incorporate detectors at the auditory level which respond whenever particular formant transitions are present. These auditory detectors are not sensitive to the position of the consonant transition information within the syllable.