The perception of stop consonants by children

Kindergarten and second-grade children's perception of voicing distinctions among the stop consonants was investigated by assessing their ability to identify and discriminate a series of synthetic speech stimuli varying in voice onset time (VOT). Perception of these sounds was found to be nearly categorical. No differences between the two age groups in either identification or discrimination performance were found; furthermore, the children's performance was comparable to adult performance in other studies using these stimuli. When considered in the context of data on the perception of VOT by infants as well as adults, the results suggest that the differential discriminability of stimuli along the VOT continuum has a biological basis.     

The perception of stop consonant voicing by Spanish-English bilinguals

The performance of Spanish-English bilinguals in two perception tasks, using a synthetic speech continuum varying in voice onset time, was compared with the performance of Spanish and English monolinguals. Voice onset time in speech production was also compared between these groups. Results in perception of bilinguals differed from that of both monolingual groups. Results of bilingual production in their two languages conformed with results obtained from each monolingual group. The perceptual results are interpreted in terms of differences in the use of available acoustic cues by bilingual and monolingual listeners of English and Spanish.     

Categorical perception for voicing contrasts in normal and lead-treated rhesus monkeys: electrophysiological indices

Categorical perception of voicing contrasts was evaluated in rhesus monkeys. The monkeys had been chronically exposed to subclinical levels of lead either from conception to birth, or for approximately 6 months postnatally beginning at birth, or were never exposed to lead. Auditory evoked responses were recorded at 1 year of age from scalp electrodes placed over the left and right hemispheres during stimulus presentation. A late component of the brain responses recorded from the right temporal region of all monkeys discriminated between stimuli in a categorical manner. This pattern of responses was noted to be similar to that previously reported for humans. Categorical discriminations were also noted earlier in the waveforms for control monkeys and for monkeys exposed to lead prenatally, although this discrimination pattern shifted to the left hemisphere of the latter group. No such effects were noted for monkeys exposed to lead postnatally. These results suggest that the neurocortical mechanisms associated with categorical perception for voicing information may be similar across human and nonhuman primates. However, early exposure to lead appears to alter these processes.     

Speech perception by budgerigars(Melopsittacus undulatus): The voiced-voiceless distinction

Discrimination of synthetic speech sounds from the bilabial, alveolar,and velar voice onset time (VOT) series was studied in 5 budgerigars. The birds were trained, using operant conditioning procedures, to detect changes in a repeating background of sound consisting of a synthetic speech token. Response latencies for detection were measured and were used to construct similarity matrices. Multidimensional scaling procedures were then used to produce spatial maps of these speech sounds, in which perceptual similarity was represented by spatial proximity. The results of these experiments suggest that budgerigars discriminate among synthetic speech sounds from these three VOT continua, especially between those from the bilabial and alveolar series, in a categorical fashion.     

Some effects of laboratory training on identification and discrimination of voicing contrasts in stop consonants

For many years there has been a consensus that early linguistic experience exerts a profound and often permanent effect on the perceptual abilities underlying the identification and discrimination of stop consonants. It has also been concluded that selective modification of the perception of stop consonants cannot be accomplished easily and quickly in the laboratory with simple discrimination training techniques. In the present article we report the results of three experiments that examined the perception of a three-way voicing contrast by naive monolingual speakers of English. Laboratory training procedures were implemented with a small computer in a real-time environment to examine the perception of voiced, voiceless unaspirated, and voiceless aspirated stops differing in voice onset time. Three perceptual categories were present for most subjects after only a few minutes of exposure to the novel contrast. Subsequent perceptual tests revealed reliable and consistent labeling and categorical-like discrimination functions for all three voicing categories, even though one of the contrasts is not phonologically distinctive in English. The present results demonstrate that the perceptual mechanisms used by adults in categorizing stop consonants can be modified easily with simple laboratory techniques in a short period of time.     

Auditory phonemic perception in dyslexia: Categorical identification and discrimination of stop consonants

The possibility that phonological confusions may underlie some difficulties in processing written language was investigated using four speech perception tasks. Twelve dyslexic and four normal-reading children identified and discriminated synthetic speech syllables which varied either in voice-onset time (signaling the feature of voicing) or direction of formant transitions (signaling place of articulation). Results indicate that, like normal-reading children and adults, dyslexic children perceive these sounds categorically. Discrimination of the stimuli was limited by their identifiability. It is suggested that linguistic disturbances at other stages of the grapheme to meaning transformation underlie misreading.     

Acoustic cues and psychological processes in the perception of natural stop consonants

These studies examined the perceptual role of various components of naturally produced stop consonants (/b, d, g, p, t, k/) in CV syllables. In the first experiment, the context-sensitive voiced formant transitions were removed with a computer-splicing technique. Identification accuracy was 84% when the consonant was presented with the same vowel as had been used to produce it. Performance fell to 66% when the consonant was juxtaposed with a different vowel. The second experiment not only deleted the voiced formant transition, but also replaced the aspiration with silence. Here, identification accuracy dropped substantially, especially for voiceless stops, which had contained devoiced formant transitions in the replaced interval. The pattern of errors suggested that listeners try to extract the missing locus of the consonant from the vowel transition, and in the absence of a vowel transition, they try to extrapolate it from the second formant of the steady-state vowel.     

Music perception and octave generalization in rhesus monkeys

Two rhesus monkeys were tested for octave generalization in 8 experiments by transposing 6- and 7-note musical passages by an octave and requiring same or different judgments. The monkeys showed no octave generalization to random-synthetic melodies, atonal melodies, or individual notes. They did show complete octave generalization to childhood songs (e.g., "Happy Birthday") and tonal melodies (from a tonality algorithm). Octave generalization was equally strong for 2-octave transpositions but not for 0.5- or 1.5-octave transpositions of childhood songs. These results combine to show that tonal melodies form musical gestalts for monkeys, as they do for humans, and retain their identity when transposed with whole octaves so that chroma (key) is preserved. This conclusion implicates similar transduction, storage, processing, and relational memory of musical passages in monkeys and humans and has implications for nature-nurture origins of music perception.     

Duplex perception of cues for stop consonants: Evidence for a phonetic mode

When the (vocalic) formant transitions appropriate for the stops in a synthetic approximation to [spa] or [sta] are presented to one ear and the remainder of the acoustic pattern to the other, listeners report a duplex percept. One side of the duplexity is the same coherent syllable ([spa] or [sta]) that is perceived when the pattern is presented in its original, undivided form; the other is a nonspeech chirp that corresponds to what the transitions sound like in isolation. This phenomenon is here used to determine why, in the case of stops, silence is an important cue. The results show that the silence cue affects the formant transitions differently when, on the one side of the duplex percept, the transitions support the perception of stop consonants, and when, on the other, they are perceived as nonspeech chirps. This indicates that the effectiveness of the silence cue is owing to distinctively phonetic (as against generally auditory) processes.     

On the relevance of locus equations for production and perception of stop consonants

We examined the possible relevance of locus equations to human production and perception of stop consonants. The orderly output constraint (OOC) of Sussman, Frachter, and Cable (1995) claims that humans have evolved to produce speech such thatF2 at consonant release andF2 at vowel midpoint are linearly related for consonants so that developing perceptual systems can form representations in anF2 _ons-by-F2 _vowel space. The theory claims that this relationship described by locus equations can distinguish consonants, and that the linearity of locus equations is captured in neural representations and is thus perceptually relevant. We investigated these claims by testing how closely locus equations reflect the production and perception of stop consonants. In Experiment 1, we induced speakers to change their locus equation slope and intercept parameters systematically, but found that consonants remained distinctive in slope-by-intercept space. In Experiment 2, we presented stop-consonant syllables with their bursts removed to listeners, and compared their classification error matrices with the predictions of a model using locus equation prototypes and with those of an exemplar-based model that usesF2 _ons andF2 _vowel, but not locus equations. Both models failed to account for a large proportion of the variance in listeners’ responses; the locus equation model was no better in its predictions than the exemplar model. These findings are discussed in the context of the OOC.     

Noise on, voicing off: Speech perception deficits in children with specific language impairment

Speech perception of four phonetic categories (voicing, place, manner, and nasality) was investigated in children with specific language impairment (SLI) (n = 20) and age-matched controls (n = 19) in quiet and various noise conditions using an AXB two-alternative forced-choice paradigm. Children with SLI exhibited robust speech perception deficits in silence, stationary noise, and amplitude-modulated noise. Comparable deficits were obtained for fast, intermediate, and slow modulation rates, and this speaks against the various temporal processing accounts of SLI. Children with SLI exhibited normal “masking release” effects (i.e., better performance in fluctuating noise than in stationary noise), again suggesting relatively spared spectral and temporal auditory resolution. In terms of phonetic categories, voicing was more affected than place, manner, or nasality. The specific nature of this voicing deficit is hard to explain with general processing impairments in attention or memory. Finally, speech perception in noise correlated with an oral language component but not with either a memory or IQ component, and it accounted for unique variance beyond IQ and low-level auditory perception. In sum, poor speech perception seems to be one of the primary deficits in children with SLI that might explain poor phonological development, impaired word production, and poor word comprehension.     

The phantom in the phoneme: Invariant cues for stop consonants

The stop consonants /b, d, g, p, t, k/were recorded before/i/,/a/,/u/. The energy spectrum for each stop consonant was removed from its original vowel and spliced onto a different steady-state vowel. Results of a recognition test revealed that consonants were accurately recognized in all cases except when /k/ or/g[ was spliced from/i/to/u/. Further demonstrations suggested that/k/ and /g/ do have invariant characteristics before/i/, /a/, and /u/. These results support the general notion that stop consonants may be recognized before different vowels in normal speech in terms of invariant acoustic features.     

Evidence for a non-linguistic distinction between singular and plural sets in rhesus monkeys

Set representations are explicitly expressed in natural language. For example, many languages distinguish between sets and subsets (all vs. some), as well as between singular and plural sets (a cat vs. some cats). Three experiments explored the hypothesis that these representations are language specific, and thus absent from the conceptual resources of non-linguistic animals. We found that rhesus monkeys spontaneously discriminate sets based on a conceptual singular-plural distinction. Under conditions that do not elicit comparisons based on approximate magnitudes or one-to-one correspondence, rhesus monkeys distinguished between singular and plural sets (1 vs. 2 and 1 vs. 5), but not between two plural sets (2 vs. 3, 2 vs. 4, and 2 vs. 5). These results suggest that set-relational distinctions are not a privileged part of natural language, and may have evolved in non-linguistic species to support domain general quantitative computations.     

Effects of intensity on the categorical perception of stop consonants and isolated second formant transitions

Identification and discrimination of two-formant [bae-dae-gae] and [pae-tae-kae] synthetic speech stimuli and discrimination of corresponding isolated second formant transitions (chirps) were performed by six subjects. Stimuli were presented at several intensity levels such that the intensity of the F2 transition was equated between speech and nonspeech stimuli, or the overall intensity of the stimulus was equated. At higher intensity (92 dB), b-d-g and p-t-k identification and between-category discrimination performance declined and bilabial-alveolar phonetic boundaries shifted in location on the continuum towards the F2 steady-state frequency. Between-category discrimination improved from performance at 92 dB when 92-dB speech stimuli were simultaneously masked by 60-dB speech noise; alveolar-velar boundaries shifted to a higher frequency location in the 92-dB-plus-noise condition. Chirps were discriminated categorically when presented at 58 dB, but discrimination peaks declined at higher intensities. Perceptual performance for chirps and p-t-k stimuli was very similar, and slightly inferior to performance for b-d-g stimuli, where simultaneous masking by F1 resulted in a lower effective intensity of F2. The results were related to a suggested model involving pitch comparison and transitional quality perceptual strategies.     

Beyond stop consonants: Consonantal specificity in early lexical acquisition

Previous research has shown that 20-month-old infants can simultaneously learn two words that only differ by one of their consonants, but fail to do so when the words differ only by one of their vowels. This asymmetry was interpreted as developmental evidence for the proposal that consonants play a more important role than vowels in lexical specification. However, the consonant/vowel distinction was confounded with another distinction, that of the continuous status of the phonemes used (discontinuous stop consonants versus continuous vowels). The present study investigated 20-month-olds’ use of phonetic specificity while simultaneously learning two words that differ by a continuous consonant. The results obtained parallel those previously found for stop consonants, confirming the original claim of an asymmetry between the roles of consonants and vowels at the lexical level.     

Missing information in spoken word recognition: nonreleased stop consonants.

Cross-modal semantic priming and phoneme monitoring experiments investigated processing of word-final nonreleased stop consonants (e.g., kit may be pronounced /kit/ or /ki/), which are common phonological variants in American English. Both voiced /d/ and voiceless /t/ segments were presented in release and no-release versions. A cross-modal semantic priming task (Experiment 1) showed comparable priming for /d/ and /t/ versions. A second set of stimuli ending in /s/ were presented as intact, missing /s/, or with a mismatching final segment and showed significant but reduced priming for the latter two conditions. Experiment 2 showed that phoneme monitoring reaction time for release and no-release words and onset mismatching stimuli (derived pseudowords) increased as acoustic-phonetic similarity to the intended word decreased. The results suggest that spoken word recognition does not require special mechanisms for processing no-release variants. Rather, the results can be accounted for by means of existing assumptions concerning probabilistic activation that is based on partial activation.     

The nature of speech production impairments in anterior aphasics: an acoustic analysis of voicing in fricative consonants

This study investigated the acoustic characteristics of voicing in English fricative consonants produced by anterior aphasics and the effects of phonetic context on these characteristics. Three patients produced voiced and voiceless fricative-vowel syllables in isolation, following a voiced velar stop, and following a voiceless velar stop. Acoustic analyses were conducted of the amplitude and patterning of glottal excitation, as well as fricative noise duration. Results showed that, although the patients are able to coordinate the articulatory gestures for voicing in fricative consonants, they demonstrated abnormal patterns of glottal excitation in the amplitude measures, owing to weaker amplitudes of glottal excitation in voiced fricatives. Context effects failed to emerge because of dysfluent speech. These results suggest that the locus of the speech production deficit of anterior aphasics is not at the higher stages of phoneme selection or planning but rather in articulatory implementation, one related to laryngeal control.     

Learning by observation in rhesus monkeys

Habit memory provides us with a vast repertoire of learned rules, including stimulus-reward associations, that ensures fast and adapted decision making in daily life. Because we share this ability with monkeys, lesion and recording studies in rhesus macaques have played a key role in understanding the neural bases of individual trial-and-error habit learning. Humans, however, can learn new rules at a lower cost via observation of conspecifics. The neural properties underlying this more ecological form of habit learning remain unexplored, and it is unclear whether the rhesus macaque can be a useful model in this endeavor. We addressed this issue by testing four monkeys from the same social group in their usual semi-natural habitat using a well-established marker of habit memory, concurrent discrimination learning. Each monkey learned 24 lists of 10 object-reward associations each. For one list out of two, monkeys could observe the testing session of another member of the group prior to being tested with the same list themselves. Learning was faster for these lists than for those learned solely by trial-and-error. Errors to criterion (9/10 correct responses) were reduced by 39%, and faultless performance could be achieved for up to 5 of the 10 pairs. These data demonstrate that rhesus macaques spontaneously observe a conspecific learning new stimulus-reward associations, and substantially benefit from this observation. They ascertain that the neural underpinnings of socially-mediated forms of habit learning can be explored using the powerful tools of monkey research, including neurophysiological recordings.