美的真理观:"共识观"与"解释学"的统一

由“美的哲学”观之,“美”必定具有某种“真理”性的诉求,“美的真理观”理应得到充分论证。然而,在尼采之前的欧洲哲学史上,美与真的断裂,却一直被视为主流观念。一“真理符合论”缘何拒斥“美”?在“前柏拉图—希腊”(pre-PlatonicGreece)的所谓“大艺术”(theGreatArt)阶段,[1]“真理”一词(aletheia)尚保存着其去蔽、展现、揭示的原初内涵。真理作为一种Unverborgenheit(去蔽状态),[2]并非指对主体(认识、陈述、判断)的解释,而意味着对存在的开显。只是在发展到“物我两待”的思想构架里,真理才脱离了其原初的意义,而被赋予了“真理…     

如何辩证看待"女子十二乐坊"--兼与孙焕英、余文博二君商榷

“女子十二乐坊”(以下简称“乐坊”)是近几年来在国内乃至国际乐坛上走红的一个时尚的演出团体,自从她诞生以来,音乐界就一直没有停止过对她的评头论足。然而,有些评论者在评判视角、评论方法等方面,与“女子十二乐坊”的实际存在着一定的错位。     

"好人"如何一生平安?——走出"德福悖论"的怪圈

德福悖论现象一直是道德生活中所面,临的重大问题之一,为历代思想家所关注。在市场经济时代,“好人”虽不再是一个不言“利”的主体,但他能否“一生平安”,德福之间能否统一,关键在于“好人”是否处于一个“有道”或公正的社会制度里。     

萨特在人的发展问题上的"责任"困境

在萨特的人学理论中,“自由”无疑是一个最重要的范畴。存在就是自由,自由的绝对性使得它成为一切事物及其自身的根据。然而,为了保证人的发展的合理性,在高扬了自由之后,萨特力图在最后解决的却一直是“自由”与“责任”的统一,这样,萨特将自己陷于一个无从解脱的困境之中：由于绝对自由论的前提,他所倡导的对自己、对他人,乃至对世界的“责任”,最后却成了人们逃避责任的一种托辞。     

汉儒称"六经"为"六艺"考

学术界一直以为,自孔子创立儒学以来,儒家所谓“六艺”,就既指《诗》、《书》、《礼》、《乐》、《易》、《春秋》六部经典,又指礼、乐、射、御、书、数六种技艺。但本文通过对有关史料的考证,提出了不同看法。本文认为：“六经”称谓至迟流行于战国中后期,而“六艺”称谓却只是在《吕氏春秋》中才偶尔使用,流行起来更是在汉初以后。随着“六艺”称谓的流行,汉初儒者开始以“六艺”称“六经”。汉儒将先秦“六经”改称为“六艺”,并非出于学科规范考虑,而是服务于其变“经”为“艺”、变“学”为“术”的学术转向。而这一转向之所以发生,又是因为汉初儒者有争取立儒学为国家惟一官方哲学的强烈愿望。     

中国宗教的"轴心时代"

雅斯贝尔斯虽然以“生存哲学家”自许,但他的“生存哲学”至今人们依然见仁见智,毁誉不一。不过,他应该感到慰藉的是:他在《历史的起源和目标》一书中提出的“轴心时期”的史学范畴,却一直受到人们的青睐,至今被人们广泛地使用着。雅斯贝尔斯的所谓“轴心时期”,意指的大约是从     

关于刘勰"比兴观"的思考

《文心雕龙·比兴》集中体现了刘勰对于“比、兴”两种修辞手法的观点,并一直影响着修辞学界对比喻和起兴的理解,第一,刘勰对于“比兴”内容含义和表达方式的阐释过于程式化和概念化,缺乏灵活性。第二,刘勰对于“比兴”二者修辞功用和适用感情范围的界定过于绝对化。     

从"忍无可忍"到"邪恶全灭"--李洪志新千年来的垂死哀鸣

自从1999年7月29日,我公安部对邪教法轮功头头李洪志发出通缉令后,李洪志就在美国龟缩起来,再也不敢露面,只是在他的专门造谣的“明慧网”上登出一张“照片”,说是“躲在山中看世人”去了?实际上李洪志和他的专门造谣的“明慧网”一直没有闲着,不断煽动国内受蒙蔽的修练者聚众闹事,     

论相对于生产力的"自然破坏力"

从历史到现代,人类实践体系中总是不时地孕育出某种破坏性力量(本文称之为“自然破坏力”),这种破坏力与一直被视为实践积极成果的物质生产力密切相关,共同影响社会发展。以前我们仅仅正面地看待实践,遗忘了孕育出“自然破坏力”的实践的负面性。其实,引入“生产力”与“自然破坏力”的对立,才能使生产力和生产关系的理论对于现代发展更富有解释力。     

"东西方差异"抑或"元概念"争执——关系概念再思考

“关系”作为社会网络研究乃至整个新经济社会学研究的核心概念,自从它成为一个学术研究对象以来就一直是学者们争论的一个焦点问题。如何对这一概念做出定义、分类、操作乃至如何运用它来建构理论,不同的学者有不同的解释。本文以“东西方差异”作为反思“关系”概念的切入口,指出现有的“关系”概念所包含的东西方差异实质上是一种假象,并就国内学者对“关系”概念的反思进行了梳理、提出自己的理解。     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.