Blame attribution in sexual victimization

The current study explored how victims and third-parties attribute blame and perpetrator motivation for actual sexual victimization experiences. Although we do not assert that victims are responsible for perpetrators’ behavior, we found that some victims do not allocate all blame to their perpetrator. We sought to examine how victims and third-parties allocate blame in instances of actual completed and attempted sexual victimization and how they perceived perpetrator motivations. Victims of completed rape (n = 49) and attempted sexual assault (n = 91), and third-parties who knew a victim of sexual assault (n = 152) allocated blame across multiple targets: perpetrator, self/victim, friends, family, and the situation. Participants also described their perceptions of perpetrator’s motivation for the sexual assault. Victims tended to assign more blame to themselves than third-parties assigned to victims. Furthermore, victims perceived perpetrators as being more sexually-motivated than third-parties did, who viewed perpetrators as more power-motivated. Results suggest that perceptions of rape and sexual assault significantly differ between victims and third-party individuals who have never directly experienced such a trauma.     

A Mediation Model of Sexual Assault among Latter-Day Saints

Socialization that occurs within some conservative Christian contexts might facilitate development of attitudes and beliefs that increase women’s risk for sexual assault. Patriarchal community structure and rigid gender role adherence place women in subordinate roles and maintain gender inequality. Within conservative, dogmatic contexts, comprehensive sex education and education about assault might be minimal, and rape myths are hypothesized to be more prevalent. This study assessed sexual assault experiences (victimization and perpetration) in a sample of 208 male and female college students affiliated with the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (LDS). Women reported victimization of all forms of sexual coercion at higher rates than men reported perpetration. In addition, traditional gender role adherence mediated the link between dogmatic, religiously fundamentalist beliefs and acceptance of rape mythology for both men and women. Traditional gender role adherence also mediated the link between religious fundamentalism and sexual assault behaviors for men.     

Prevalence of sexual aggression among young people in Europe: A review of the evidence from 27 EU countries

Sexual aggression poses a serious threat to the sexual well-being of young people. This paper documents the available evidence on the prevalence of sexual aggression perpetration and victimization from 27 EU countries, established as part of the Youth Sexual Aggression and Victimization (Y-SAV) project. A total of N = 113 studies were identified through a systematic review of the literature and consultations with experts in each country. Despite differences in the number of available studies, methodology, and sample composition, the review shows substantial prevalence rates of sexual aggression perpetration and victimization across Europe. A wide variation was found, both within and between countries. The lifetime prevalence rates of female sexual victimization, excluding childhood sexual abuse, ranged from 9 to 83%, the rates of male sexual victimization ranged from 2 to 66%, the rates of male sexual aggression ranged from 0 to 80%, and the range of female sexual aggression ranged from 0.8 to 40%. One-year prevalence rates showed a similar variability. Conceptual and methodological problems in the database are discussed, and an outline is presented for a more harmonized approach to studying the scale of sexual aggression among young people in Europe.     

Assessing sexual aggression: Addressing the gap between rape victimization and perpetration prevalence rates

Obtaining consistent and accurate rates of women's sexual assault experiences and men's history of sexual aggression has proved difficult and rates vary tremendously throughout the literature [Koss, M.P. (1993a). Detecting the scope of rape: A review of prevalence research methods. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 8 (2), 198–222].It has been suggested that methodological factors influence the detection of women's sexual assault experiences and contribute to the rate disparities [Fisher, B. S., Cullen, F. T. & Turner, M. G. (2000). The sexual victimization of college women (NCJ 182369). Washington, DC: Bureau of Justice Statistics,National Institute of Justice.; Hamby, S. L. & Koss, M. (2003). Shades of gray: A quantitative study of terms used in the measurement of sexual victimization. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 27, 243–255.; Koss, M.P. (1993a). Detecting the scope of rape: A review of prevalence research methods. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 8 (2), 198–222].Survey methods are commonly used in the assessment of women's experience with sexual assault victimization. Men's history of sexually aggressive behaviors is typically examined using parallel versions of the survey instruments used with women.While much is known about variables affecting the reliability, validity, and utility of these assessment methods when applied to women, less is known about the influence of these factors in the assessment of men's self-reported aggression. This paper discusses current sexual victimization and perpetration incidence and prevalence rates.An overview of the major sources of these data, as well as a review of the methodological factors known to influence levels of rape detection in women is presented. An examination of how these issues may be relevant in the measurement of male sexual aggression is discussed with suggestions for future research.     

RAPE MYTHS. In Review

Theories of sexual aggression and victimization have increasingly emphasized the role of rape myths in the perpetuation of sexual assault. Rape myths are attitudes and generally false beliefs about rape that are widely and persistently held, and that serve to deny and justify male sexual aggression against women. Acceptance of such myths has been assessed with a number of measures, and investigators have examined its relationship with numerous variables and interventions. Although there has been extensive research in this area, definitions, terminology, and measures of rape myth acceptance (RMA) continue to lack adequate theoretical and psychometric precision. Despite such criticisms, we emphasize that the significance of this type of research cannot be overstated because it has immense potential for the understanding of sexual assault. The present article offers a theory-based definition of rape myths, reviews and critiques the literature on rape myth acceptance, and suggests directions for future research. In particular we argue that such work must include the development and application of improved measures, with more concern for the theoretical and methodological issues unique to this field.     

A COMPARISON OF GROUP AND INDIVIDUAL SEXUAL ASSAULT VICTIMS

The experiences of 44 group sexual assault victims (multiple offenders, one victim) were compared with 44 individual sexual assault victims (one offender, one victim). Sexual assaults included various degrees of sexual victimization ranging from verbal coercion to rape. Participants were located from among a national sample of 3,187 college women. Group sexual assaults, compared to individual sexual assaults, were in general more violent, involved greater resistance from the victims, and were more likely to be perpetrated by strangers or relatives and to involve an experience which met the legal definition of rape. Group sexual assaults were less likely to involve multiple episodes by the same offender(s). Group sexual assault victims were more likely than individual sexual assault victims to seek police and crisis services, to have contemplated suicide, and to have sought therapy postassault. Despite these differences, the two groups were similar in the amount of drinking and drug use during the assault and their scores on standardized measures of psychological symptoms.     

Male sexual assault victims: a selective review of the literature and implications for support services

In recent years much has been done to publicize the plight of female rape victims. However, the sexual assault of adult males has received little attention in the research literature or by the public. This paper provides a selective review of the research into the prevalence and effects of male sexual assault victims. Research shows that the effects of sexual assault on adult males are often severe. This paper also outlines findings from experimental studies that have shown that reactions towards male sexual assault victims depend on both the victim's sexual orientation and the perpetrator's gender. Finally, implications for support services are outlined. Victims of both male and female perpetrators are considered, and both gay and heterosexual victims are discussed in relation to the specific needs of these victims. The needs of transgendered victims are also briefly considered, as are the needs of the sexual partners of male sexual assault victims. This paper concludes by offering some suggestions for future research.     

Plurality and prevalence of sexual motivations in a sample of young francophone adults

IntroductionUnderstanding the motivations that lead to the adoption of sexual behaviors is of major interest to both the individual and public health.ObjectivesThis work (i) questions the reasons that lead students from two French universities to adopt sexual behaviors, (ii) examines the motivational similarities and differences between men and women, (iii) compare the results to data from north American subjects.MethodIn total, 657 subjects (526 women; 131 men, mean age: 22.6 years) were requested to take part in an online study investigating sexual behaviors. Reason for Having Sex Questionnaire (Meston & Buss, 2007), was used as a basis for the identification of sexual motivations.ResultOn average 53.05 different motivations led to the adoption of sexual behaviors. Significant differences of men/women were found between men and women (72% significant differences in p < 0.05) but mainly of small amplitude (d < 0.33: 58.33%). Men and women also differ in the structure of interrelations between motivations and by the role played by the different motivations. Overall, female motivational system is more sectorized and more organized than the male system, which seems more resilient (density of interrelations Men: 46.3%; women: 34.2%; distance between motivations: 5.44 vs. 3.86, p < 0.001, d = 2.07). Cultural comparisons showed significant differences of low to moderate amplitude between young adult students in France and those who come from North American universities. Gender differences in sexual motivations for sex were more marked in France than in the US.ConclusionOur results argue for a bio-psychosocial and systemic approach of sexual motivations. Theoretical, methodological and practical perspectives are envisaged.     

Partner violence against heterosexual and gay men: Prevalence and correlates

Female victims of intimate partner violence (IPV) have been the focus of a substantial amount of research. However, the subject of male victims of IPV remains a controversial topic, and one which has been comparatively neglected within the literature, despite some findings suggesting that men are victimized by intimate partners at an equivalent, or even higher rate than women. This paper reviews the literature on male victims of IPV, both within opposite and same-gender relationships, focusing on the prevalence and correlates of IPV, as well as exploring the relationship between IPV and ethnicity. According to the literature reviewed, the prevalence of female perpetrated IPV against heterosexual male victims ranges from 0.2% to 93%, homosexual male victimization ranges between 1.8% and 93.7%, and heterosexual female victimization ranges between 1.3% and 86% depending on the type of IPV included, whether the reference period includes the past 12 months, or lifetime experience, and the method used to assess IPV. These data indicate that victimization is as much an issue for men as it is for women. In addition, it appears that men of certain ethnicities may be more at risk than others. Finally, the empirical literature which examines the correlates of male victimization indicates that male victims in heterosexual and gay relationships share many correlates. Unfortunately however, methodological weaknesses in the available literature and a lack of research in some areas restrict the extent to which conclusions can be drawn, and findings generalized. Recommendations for future research are made.     

A critical review of field studies on the link of alcohol and adult sexual assault in women

This article reviews field studies examining two central questions regarding the link between alcohol and sexual assault. First, evidence is reviewed to evaluate whether there is a distal relationship between alcohol and risk of sexual assault victimization. Specifically, studies are examined to determine whether drinking may affect the risk of being victimized and how victimization may contribute to subsequent drinking. Second, evidence for a proximal role of drinking prior to a sexual assault victimization incident (by either victim and/or offender) is examined to determine alcohol's role in rape and injury outcomes to victims. Critical theoretical and methodological issues in these two types of studies are discussed with regard to the extant literature. Paralleling the two areas of research reviewed, two theoretical models are proposed to guide future research on (1) the global associations of drinking and sexual assault risk across the life span (macrolevel model) and (2) the role of drinking in the outcomes of actual sexual assault incidents (microlevel model). Suggestions are made for future research and intervention in this area.     

Rape Myths and Beyond: A Commentary on Edwards and Colleagues (2011)

This article comments on Edwards et al. (2011) who review the state of the current literature on rape myths, defined as ??prejudicial, stereotyped or false beliefs about rape, rape victims, and rapists?? (Burt 1980; p. 217). I argue that while studying rape myths is important to understanding the persistence of sexual assault against women in Western societies, other factors that contribute to this problem need to be considered. Specifically, I focus on the importance of examining societal messages regarding women??s sexuality, as well as examining how individuals conceptualize and define rape more broadly. I conclude by discussing directions for moving toward producing real changes in the prevalence of sexual violence as well as ways to intervene more effectively with victims of sexual violence.     

Predicting Rape Empathy Based on Victim, Perpetrator, and Participant Gender, and History of Sexual Aggression

This study examined empathy for a hypothetical rape victim and perpetrator based on gender of victim, perpetrator and participant, and sexual aggression experience. Undergraduates (n?=?591, 333 female) from a United States east coast mid-size public university completed the Rape Victim and Perpetrator Empathy Scales (victim and perpetrator gender experimentally varied), and the Sexual Experiences Survey. Hypotheses were partially supported. Empathy was greater with the victim of a man than a woman. Women with victimization experience were especially empathic with a female victim. Men without victimization experience were relatively non-empathic with a male victim. Empathy was greater with a female than a male perpetrator, especially when her victim was male or when reported by women. A male rapist received the greatest empathy from men with perpetration experience. Findings are consistent with cultural expectations that women are victims and men are aggressors, and may imply that similarity in experience can facilitate rape empathy.     

Toward a More Complete Understanding of Bystander Willingness to Help: What Role Does Critical Consciousness Play?

Sexual assault is a common phenomenon on university campuses with about one in five women victimized while in college. Consequently, bystander intervention programs have been gaining momentum. To improve such programs, research has begun to identify factors that may facilitate or impede individuals’ willingness to help a potential victim of sexual assault. The current study adds to this literature by: (a) examining potential differences in rape myth acceptance, critical consciousness, and willingness to help based on types of self-reported exposure to sexual assault; (b) exploring the previously unexamined mediating role of critical consciousness in the relationship between exposure to sexual assault and willingness to help; and (c) clarifying how the extent of rape myth acceptance impacts the relationship between exposure to sexual assault and willingness to help. Using a sample of 511 U.S. undergraduate students, results generally demonstrated that those with multiple types of exposure to sexual assault victimization demonstrated the highest levels of critical consciousness and greater willingness to help. Additionally, there was both a significant indirect effect of exposure to sexual assault on willingness to help via critical consciousness and a conditional effect of exposure to sexual assault on willingness to help that was stronger at lower levels of rape myth acceptance. Results highlight the importance of programming targeted at increasing critical consciousness.

     

Susceptibility to sexual victimization and women’s mating strategies

Women show stable individual differences in mating strategies ranging from short-term to long-term. Short-term mating strategies may put women at greater risk of sexual victimization through increased exposure to risky situations or to men most inclined to pursue a strategy of sexual coercion. To test these predictions, we studied female college students who had experienced a completed rape, an attempted sexual victimization, or no sexual victimization. Women’s mating strategies were assessed through the Sociosexual Orientation Inventory. Victims further reported whether they engaged in consensual intimate behaviors with their victimizer before or after the victimization. Victims of completed rape scored highest on short-term mating strategy pursuit; non-victims scored lowest; women experiencing attempted victimization scored between these two groups. Victims of completed rape also more frequently reported consensual kissing and intercourse with their victimizer before and after the victimization than women who experienced attempted victimization. The findings of this study should not be interpreted as blaming the victim, but rather as identifying circumstances that put women at greater risk. Clearly, perpetrators are to blame for sexual victimization. Discussion focuses on future research directions and on practical implications for reducing rates of sexual victimization.     

SEXUAL ASSAULT VICTIMS' ACKNOWLEDGMENT STATUS AND REVICTIMIZATION RISK

How a victim of rape characterizes her assault has potential implications for her postassault experiences and revictimization risk. Prior research has identified several potential benefits to not conceptualizing one's experience as a form of victimization. The current study sought to identify whether there are costs to not acknowledging rape as well, specifically whether unacknowledged victims are at elevated risk of revictimization. The revictimization risk behaviors of 334 acknowledged and unacknowledged female college rape victims were compared. Unacknowledged victims reported more hazardous alcohol use and were more likely to report that they continued a relationship with the assailant after the assault. A subsample of 105 victims completed a 6-month follow-up survey regarding sexual victimization during the follow-up period. Unacknowledged victims were nearly twice as likely to report having experienced an attempted rape during the 6-month follow-up period. Implications of the results for future work evaluating rape acknowledgment, rape recovery, and revictimization are discussed.     

Social representations associated with men and women drivers among French adolescents and adults. Effects of the perceiver’s age,sex, and socioeconomic status

The aim of this study was to investigate the specific contents of the social representations (SR) associated with men and women drivers and examine the effects of the social insertions of individuals (i.e., age, sex and socio-economic status) on the content and structure of these SR. A preliminary study with 414 French participants identified thematic content associated with men and women drivers using the verbal association method. Based on these themes, 833 French participants, equally distributed by age group (from 12 to 50 years-old and over), sex and socioeconomic status (SES), were asked to answer a questionnaire on men (N = 422) or women (N = 411) drivers. The results show that each of these SR is organized around three factors: incompetence, prudence and lack of self-control for women drivers; carelessness, skills and self-control for men drivers. In-group favoritism bias can be noted in both groups as male participants, more than female ones, rated men drivers as having self-control and women drivers as lacking self-control, whereas female participants, more than male ones, perceived men drivers as careless and women drivers as prudent. Despite this phenomenon, more male respondents than female ones in all age groups seemed to believe that women are not competent at driving, whereas both sexes seem to agree that men have good driving skills. Among most age groups, three characteristics associated with men drivers (confidence, speed and pleasure of driving) and four characteristics associated with female drivers (caution, civil, compliance with rules and vigilance) emerged as central in the SR. The SR associated with men drivers appeared to be stable and shared across age groups, whereas the SR associated with women drivers appeared more mixed, heterogeneous and unstable with age. Female participants with higher SES consider women drivers as more incompetent, less prudent and more lacking self-control than female participants with lower SES.     

Sexual Victimization History and Perceived Similarity to a Sexual Assault Victim: A Path Model of Perceiver Variables Predicting Victim Culpability Attributions

Extant research consistently has shown that culpability attributions toward sexual assault victims are predicted by perceiver gender, perceived similarity to victims, empathy for victims, and rape myth acceptance. The purpose of the present study was to conceptually organize these predictors, which often have been treated disparately in literature. The present sample was composed of 69 female undergraduate students, recruited from a psychology research pool at a university in the southwestern United States. Results of a path analysis demonstrated strong empirical support for a hypothesized causal model linking perceivers?? sexual victimization histories and, in turn, perceptions of similarity to a sexual assault victim based upon these histories, to established predictors of perceivers?? culpability attributions toward sexual assault victims. Basic and applied research implications are discussed.     

Gender Differences in Rape Reporting

This paper compares male and female rapereporting behavior. Participants from National Crime andVictimization Survey data (90% female, 10% male) aremuch like victims of other violent crimes (25%non-white, higher than average unemployment, young, andunmarried). The data indicate that the situationalcharacteristics of rape, and factors that influence arape reporting decision, differ by sex. Whereas men fail to report rape when it jeopardizes theirmasculine self-identity, women fail to report rape whenthe rape does not fit the classic stereotypical rapesituation. Women reported victimization more frequently than did men. It is asserted that furthercomparative research on rape reporting behaviorutilizing qualitative methods is needed in order tofully understand rape victimization for bothsexes.     

If “Boys Will Be Boys,” Then Girls Will Be Victims? A Meta-Analytic Review of the Research That Relates Masculine Ideology to Sexual Aggression

In feminist sociocultural models of rape, extreme adherence to the masculine gender role is implicated in the perpetuation of sexual assault against women in that it encourages men to be dominant and aggressive, and it teaches that women are inferior to men and are sometimes worthy of victimization. Many researchers have linked components of masculine ideology to self-reports of past sexual aggression or future likelihood to rape. Thirty-nine effect sizes were examined in this meta-analysis across 11 different measures of masculine ideology to determine how strongly each index of masculine ideology was associated with sexual aggression. Although 10 of the 11 effect sizes were statistically significant, the 2 largest effects were for Malamuth's construct of “hostile masculinity” (e.g., Malamuth, Sockloskie, Koss, & Tanaka, 1991) and Mosher's construct of “hypermasculinity” (e.g., Mosher & Sirkin, 1984), both of which measure multiple components of masculine ideology including acceptance of aggression against women and negative, hostile beliefs about women. The next strongest relationships concerned measures of agreement that men are dominant over women and measures of hostility toward women. Scores on general measures of gender-role adherence, such as the Bem Sex Role Inventory (Bem, 1974), were not strong predictors of sexual aggression. Sociocultural models that link patriarchal masculine id eology and situational factors to sexual aggression should prove most predictive in future research.     

Height preferences in humans may not be universal: Evidence from the Datoga people of Tanzania

Many studies in Western societies have shown that women prefer relatively taller men as potential partners, whereas men prefer women who are slightly shorter than themselves. Here, we discuss possible limitations of previous results within the context of the stimuli used (i.e., differences in the perceived body size of female silhouettes). Our results show that, at least in a Polish sample (N = 231), modified stimuli did not essentially change the observed male-taller preferences. In contrast, we report height preferences in a traditional ethnic group, the Datoga people from Tanzania (N = 107), in which men and women preferred extreme sexual dimorphism in stature (SDS) sets (i.e., men and women chose women much taller or much shorter than themselves). Thus, our data do not accord with the suggestion of a universal preference for taller men, but rather suggests that height preferences may be influenced by cultural, environmental, and ecological conditions.