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Models of culture are operationalized as individualism and collectivism and have not given sufficient attention to other organizing axes—especially how a society handles power, dependence, and equality. Shavitt, Lalwani, Zhang, and Torelli (2006) make a significant contribution by first reminding the field of power distance (Hofstede, 1980) and then moving beyond a single factor to highlight benefits of Triandis’ (1995) horizontal (valuing equality) individualism–collectivism and vertical (emphasizing hierarchy) individualism–collectivism model. But this approach makes it difficult to disentangle the effects of power and individualism or collectivism; priming procedures and experimental variations of power can counter this limitation. Moreover, current horizontal/vertical approaches do not distinguish between having and not having power, although social cognition research documented differential effects of high and low power on content of self‐concept, relationality, and cognition, which suggest previously neglected cultural differences.  相似文献   

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Andrew Jordan 《Philosophia》2014,42(2):391-403
In a series of papers, Stephen Kearns and Daniel Star defend the following general account of reasons: R: Necessarily, a fact F is a reason for an agent A to Φ iff F is evidence that an agent ought to Φ. In this paper, I argue that the reasons as evidence view will run afoul of a motivational constraint on moral reasons, and that this is a powerful reason to reject the reasons as evidence view. The motivational constraint is as follows: M: For some consideration C to be a moral reason for an agent to Φ it must be possible for C to figure as part of the agent’s motivation for Φing without thereby undercutting (either partially or wholly) the positive moral evaluation of the agent in acting as she does. M presents a problem for Kearns and Star’s view because there will be cases where some consideration is evidence that an agent ought to Φ, but where if an agent was motivated by that consideration the agent’s action would thereby be worse from a moral perspective for that very reason. Further, I argue that this problem will likely arise on any moral theory that evaluates the motivation of an agent as a component of assessing the moral status of acts.  相似文献   

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Undergraduate students in engineering and science completed the Thematic Apperception Test, which was scored for achievement motivation and also for power motivation. They later participated in an experiment in which they first provided a solution to an engineering problem. The experimenter then gave them preprogrammed, written feedback on how well they performed in two conditions of the experiment (positive or negative feedback) and no feedback in a third condition. Feedback was couched in the language of both achievement and power imagery. Last, students rendered solutions to a second engineering problem—the water-for-Tonya problem. Two students who had completed a course in the psychology of creativity performed ratings of each solution on dimensions designated as creativity and complexity. Ratings for the two dimensions moderately correlated with one another (r = .62) and therefore were combined and summed across the two evaluators to form a single overall Creativity score. Achievement motivation correlated positively with Creativity score in the positive- and negative-feedback conditions (rs = .43 and .38) but not significantly in the no-feedback condition (r = .10). Power motivation correlated positively with Creativity in the positive-feedback condition (r = .32), and negatively in the negative-feedback condition (r = −.25), but not significantly in the no-feedback condition (r = .17). Multiple regression/correlation analysis lent further support to these findings. A major conclusion that these data suggest is a differential response to negative feedback. Achievement-motivated people appear to benefit from it, whereas power-motivated people do not.  相似文献   

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The power motive predicts influential social behaviour; however, its heterogeneous conceptualisations have produced inconsistent results. To overcome this problem, we developed and validated a unitary taxonomy of social power motives based on established delineations of social hierarchies: the dominance, prestige, and leadership account. While we could measure these motives both reliably and distinctively (study 1), we also showed they strongly related to a common power desire (study 2). Assessing their nomological networks (studies 3 and 4), we demonstrated distinct associations between the dominance motive (D: wanting to coerce others into adhering to one's will) and anger and verbal aggression; the prestige motive (P: wanting to obtain admiration and respect) and the fear of losing reputation and claiming to have higher moral concerns; the leadership motive (L: wanting to take responsibility in and for one's group) and emotional stability and helping behaviour. Furthermore, while D uniquely predicted agonistic/retaliatory behaviour in dictator games (study 5), L uniquely predicted the attainment of higher employment ranks in various professions (study 7). Finally, at least to some degree, P and L related positively, and D negatively to prosocial donating behaviour (study 6). This taxonomy represents a novel and powerful approach to predicting influential social behaviour. © 2018 European Association of Personality Psychology  相似文献   

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Using an empowerment evaluation approach, the Sexual Assault and Rape Prevention (SARP) Evaluation Project brought together university researchers, public health evaluators, state funders, and program staff to provide evaluation training and consultation to all state-funded rape prevention and victim services programs in Michigan. In this paper, the specific activities of the SARP project are described, and process and outcome data are presented that address the effectiveness of this empowerment evaluation approach. Based on subjective reports from program staff and objective data obtained from state funders, results suggest that this evaluation model was successful in helping 90% of the prevention programs and 75% of the victim services programs successfully develop and launch program evaluations. One-year follow-up data indicate that 90% of the programs had sustained their evaluation efforts after the formal work of the SARP project had ended.  相似文献   

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杨光斌 《学海》2003,(1):61-66
比较发现 ,在我国的经济转型时期 ,在主导我国经济生活的三大权力主体中 ,中央政府和地方政府具有明显的市场化倾向 ,尽管一些行为具有非市场化特征 ,而行政机构在规制经济中具有鲜明的部门主义倾向 ,因而其市场化动力不足 ,因此 ,我国的行政改革具有推动市场经济的政治意义。  相似文献   

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Social survey data is essential to measuring equality, for the assessment of change over time, and to the evaluation of the impact of new policies. In this article we have identified and evaluated the statistical data and evidence on religion in the UK in relation to key policy areas, such as employment, housing, health, education, and criminal justice. For each data source, we consider definitions, data collection, coverage of issues, sample size, and data access. We examine the multi-faceted nature of religion and consider the links between religious and ethnic identities. We also outline models that can link religious identity to equality outcomes (and hence potentially allow the measurement of discrimination) and identify the evidence gaps. The UK has one of the most religiously diverse populations in the European Union, both in terms of diversity within Christianity and between different world religions. However, while religion is increasingly recognised, in both legal and policy terms, as an important equality issue, the data on the dynamics of religion in the UK are limited. The inclusion of a new question on religion in the 2001 Census in England, Scotland, and Wales is a major new source of data, but data are limited regarding the role and significance of religion in people's everyday lives, particularly among ethnic minority populations. It is clear that there is a need for a far more comprehensive and rounded approach to data on religion in the UK, which takes account of its multi-dimensional nature.  相似文献   

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This paper examines how some feminist and Islamist women in Turkey helped bring about change in political values during the past decade. The traditional political culture upheld statist, corporatist (as opposed to liberal, individualist) norms. The state controlled religion in the name of secularism and limited democracy within the confines of formal equality. Both feminists and Islamists contested traditional political values by insisting on their own definition of their interests, as opposed to those that were state-enforced. The feminists questioned the justice of formal equality as they sought substantive equality; Islamist women challenged the secular concept of equality as they insisted on the justice of male-female complementarity. Both groups engaged in active politics and expanded the parameters of democratic participation as they sought substantive equality beyond formal equality. Yet the patriarchal heritage of Islam defined the limits of Islamist women's search for liberation within the confines of religion.  相似文献   

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《Women & Therapy》2013,36(2):97-109
No abstract available for this article.  相似文献   

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The Power War: Male Response to Power Loss Under Equality   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
As many authors have pointed out, the relationship between the sexes is based on power, males having greater power than females. The continuing demand by women for equality is actually a demand for equal power, and if these strivings are successful, they will mean a loss of power for men. The male response to this anticipated power loss is the focus of this analysis. First, the scope of male power is described. Second, the importance of power to men is analyzed in terms of the male sex-role stereotype and the metamorphic effects of power use (Kipnis, 1976). Third, some likely responses of men to a loss of power are hypothesized. Finally, some suggestions for future research are outlined.  相似文献   

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This study examined the relation between mindfulness, sexist motivations and beliefs, and prejudice toward women who violate traditional gender roles—namely feminists. In a preliminary study, 672 (251 men, 421 women) undergraduates from a United States Midwestern university completed a measure of mindfulness and warmth toward feminists and consistent with hypotheses, more mindfulness was associated with more warmth toward feminists. Extending this initial finding to the main study, 653 (273 men, 380 women) undergraduates from a U.S. Midwestern university completed measures of mindfulness, motivation to respond without sexism, ambivalent sexism, and warmth toward feminists. Consistent with hypotheses, compared to women participants, men participants were lower on internal motivation to respond without sexism, higher on hostile and benevolent sexism and less warm toward feminists. Also consistent with hypotheses, for men participants, more mindfulness was associated with higher internal motivation to respond without sexism, less benevolent sexism, and more warmth toward feminists. In contrast, for women participants, more mindfulness was only associated with less hostile sexism. Finally, a path analysis revealed that the positive relation between mindfulness and warmth toward feminists for men participants was partially mediated by more internal motivation to respond without sexism (i.e., a significant indirect effect), but not by less sexist beliefs. Implications for mindfulness, sexism, and prejudice more generally are discussed.  相似文献   

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This study explored the dynamics of terrorism through a quantitative content analysis of documents issued by terrorist groups and nonterrorist comparison groups. Thirteen terrorist groups were matched with comparison groups that shared the same ideologies, and their documents were coded for ingroup affiliation, outgroup affiliation, and power motive imagery. As hypothesized, compared with nonterrorist groups, terrorist groups were significantly higher in ingroup affiliation motive imagery and significantly lower in outgroup affiliation motive imagery in the full sample of documents and in an indicator sample that included only terrorist groups' preterrorism documents. Terrorist groups were significantly higher than comparison groups in power motive imagery in the full sample and marginally significantly higher in power motive imagery in the indicator sample. These results highlight the important role that group dynamics play in terrorist groups.  相似文献   

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The author compares the assumptions and practices emerging from family systems and feminist counseling. Three major areas of convergence and divergence are examined: (a) the nature of problem definitions, (b) notions about power and appropriate sex roles in relationships, and (c) characteristics of the therapeutic relationship. A feminist perspective, which attends to societal concerns as well as issues within the nuclear family, has the potential for improving marital and family counseling. Suggestions are provided for integrating family systems and feminist concepts.  相似文献   

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