Fundamental frequency encoding of linguistic and emotional prosody by right hemisphere-damaged speakers.

To illuminate the nature of the right hemisphere's involvement in expressive prosodic functions, a story completion task was administered to matched groups of right hemisphere-damaged (RHD) and nonneurological control subjects. Utterances which simultaneously specified three prosodic distinctions (emphatic stress, sentence modality, emotional tone) were elicited from each subject group and then subjected to acoustic analysis to examine various fundamental frequency (F(0)) attributes of the stimuli. Results indicated that RHD speakers tended to produce F(0) patterns that resembled normal productions in overall shape, but with significantly less F(0) variation. The RHD patients were also less reliable than normal speakers at transmitting emphasis or emotional contrasts when judged from the listener's perspective. Examination of the results across a wide variety of stimulus types pointed to a deficit in successfully implementing continuous aspects of F(0) patterns following right hemisphere insult.     

Perception and production of rise-fall intonation in American English

At the segmental level, the rate of speaking affects the degree of physical undershoot of articulatory targets and the resulting perception. Little is known regarding evidence of these effects at the suprasegmental level, particularly in intonation. In this study, the effect of rate of speaking on fundamental frequency and on perceptual judgments of peak pitch in a rise-fall intonation pattern was investigated. First, speakers produced rise-fall intonations in sentence contexts at slow, normal, and fast speaking rates. Peak fundamental frequencies (F0) of the slow productions were significantly lower than those of the normal or fast productions. The mean normal rate production of the word Miami was used as a model for the target word in a series of subsequent perceptual experiments. Altering the duration of the target word to represent slow, normal, and fast rates of speaking did not affect listener judgment of peak pitch. Finally, the pitch of the target word was measured in a sentence context. No differences between peak pitch in isolation or in sentence context were found. It was concluded that the production and perception of this form of intonation was not subject to the effects of rate that are seen at the segmental level.     

Spontaneous Imitation of Fundamental Frequency and Speech Rate by Nonstutterers and Stutterers

Speech can be described either in terms of acoustics, as a perceptual outcome, or as a motor event. Central to theories of speech perception and production is an attempt to describe how these aspects of speech are interrelated. The present experiment investigated how the nonstutterers' and stutterers' reproductions of acoustically presented interrogative sentences were influenced by experimental variations of intonation (sentence initial vs. sentence final) and speech rate (normal vs. time compressed). We studied the effects of these stimulus manipulations on the speech rate and fundamental frequency (F₀ ) of 10 adult German-speaking nonstutterers and seven stutterers. Experimental manipulations of intonation and speech rate significantly influenced the syllable duration and speech rate of both normal speakers and stutterers. The fundamental frequency of the subjects' responses were also significantly influenced by the intonation of the stimulus. But the stutterers' increase in F₀ for stressed syllables was generally less pronounced than that of nonstutterers. These results imply that (a) the subjects not only extract linguistic meaning from intonation but that they also store extragrammatical speech rate information, and (b) the speakers adopt these speech rate variations for their own productions. Generally, these results demonstrate that speech perception is not limited to extracting linguistically invariant information. The results show that speakers actively generate their own prosody and that this generative process is influenced by the prosodic structure of another speaker's antecedent speech. The implications of these results for theories of speech production are discussed.     

Characterizing sentence intonation in a right hemisphere-damaged population

Current production studies present a mixed view of right hemisphere-damaged (RHD) patients' ability to produce normal sentence intonation. The present study characterized the sentence intonation of RHD patients, focusing on a greater number of acoustic parameters than past works, and relying on more naturally elicited speech samples through use of a story completion task. Eight RHD speakers and seven nonneurological control subjects produced declarative and imperative sentences as well as yes-no and wh-questions. Slope of F0 change, linearity of pitch contour, and variance of F0 points were calculated for each utterance as a whole, as well as for the preterminal and the terminal contour separately. RHD contours were less linear and flatter in F0 decline than normal controls for the declarative sentences. The patients' yes-no questions also differed from normal productions, displaying smaller F0 dispersion around a mean F0. Preterminal range values were more restricted for patients' utterances of yes-no questions, while terminal properties between groups differed for three of the four sentence types examined. The present results suggest some disturbance in the patients' ability to manipulate fundamental frequency across sentential domains. These data are discussed in terms of current theories of a general dysprosody in RHD patients.     

Neural substrates of linguistic prosody: evidence from syntactic disambiguation in the productions of brain-damaged patients

The present investigation focussed on the neural substrates underlying linguistic distinctions that are signalled by prosodic cues. A production experiment was conducted to examine the ability of left- (LHD) and right- (RHD) hemisphere-damaged patients and normal controls to use temporal and fundamental frequency cues to disambiguate sentences which include one or more Intonational Phrase level prosodic boundaries. Acoustic analyses of subjects' productions of three sentence types-parentheticals, appositives, and tags-showed that LHD speakers, compared to RHD and normal controls, exhibited impairments in the control of temporal parameters signalling phrase boundaries, including inconsistent patterns of pre-boundary lengthening and longer-than-normal pause durations in non-boundary positions. Somewhat surprisingly, a perception test presented to a group of normal native listeners showed listeners experienced greatest difficulty in identifying the presence or absence of boundaries in the productions of the RHD speakers. The findings support a cue lateralization hypothesis in which prosodic domain plays an important role.     

The role of the right hemisphere in the production of linguistic stress

Recent research has proposed a general prosodic disturbance associated with right hemisphere damage (RHD), one encompassing both affective and linguistic functions. The present study attempted to explore whether the ability to produce linguistic prosody was impaired in this patient population. Productions of phonemic stress tokens (e.g., Re'dcoat vs. red coa't) as well as examples of contrastive stress, or sentential emphasis (e.g., Sam hated the movie), were elicited from eight male speakers with unilateral right hemisphere CVAs and seven male control subjects. Two types of analyses were conducted on these utterances. Acoustic analysis focused on the correlates associated with word stress, namely changes in amplitude, duration, and fundamental frequency. The perceptual saliency of emerging cues to stress was also examined by presentation of test tokens to phonetically trained listeners for identification of stress placement. The patients as a group produced fewer acoustic cues to stress compared to the normal subjects, but no statistical differences were found between groups for either stress at the phrase level or at the sentence level. In the perceptual analysis, stress produced by the patient group was judged to be less salient than that for the normal group, although a high degree of variability was evident in both populations. The data suggest a spared processing mechanism for linguistic prosody in RHD speakers, thus mitigating against the view of a general dysprosody tied to RHD.     

An acoustic study of vowel production in aphasia

A group of five anterior and seven posterior aphasic patients were recorded for their vowel productions of the nine nondipthong vowels of American English and compared to a group of seven normal speakers. All phonemic substitutions were eliminated from the data base. A Linear Predictive Coding (LPC) computer program was used to extract the first and the second formant frequencies at the midpoint of the vowel for each of the remaining repetitions of the nine vowels. The vowel duration and the fundamental frequency of phonation were also measured. Although there were no significant differences in the formant frequency means across groups, there were significantly larger standard deviations for the aphasic groups compared to normals. Anterior aphasics were not significantly different from posterior aphasics with respect to this greater formant variability. There was a main effect for vowel duration means, but no individual group was significantly different from the other. Standard deviations of duration were significantly greater for the anterior aphasics compared to normal speakers, but not significantly different from posterior aphasics. Posterior aphasics did not have significantly greater standard deviations of duration than did normal subjects. Greater acoustic variability was considered to evidence a phonetic production deficit on the part of both groups of aphasic speakers, in the context of fairly well-preserved phonemic organization for vowels.     

Effect of sentence length on the production of linguistic stress by left- and right-hemisphere-damaged patients

An acoustical/perceptual study of phonemic stress (e.g., HOTdog vs. hot DOG) was conducted to evaluate the effect of sentence length on stress production after brain damage. Productions of phonemic stress pairs were elicited in sentence contexts of increasing length from eight left-hemisphere-damaged nonfluent (LHD-NFL), fluent LHD-FL), right-hemisphere-damaged (RHD), and normal speakers (n = 32). Tape recordings of subjects' productions were presented to na?ve listeners for perceptual identification of stress placement. Acoustic analysis focused on fundamental frequency, duration, and intensity of the initial and final syllables as well as pause duration between syllables. Perceptual tests indicated that regardless of sentence length, all brain-damaged groups exhibited an impairment in the production of linguistic stress when compared to normals. The LHD-NFL group experienced the greatest difficulty in signaling stress contrasts, followed in order by the LHD-FL and RHD groups. In medium-length sentences, the LHD-FL group's performance was degraded by comparison to short-length sentences. Acoustic analysis showed that pause duration was the strongest predictor of phonemic stress for all groups. Acoustic profiles of the RHD group were similar qualitatively to those of normals, but differed quantitatively in terms of magnitude of effect associated with shifts in stress patterns. Findings are brought to bear on the nature of the stress production deficit after unilateral brain damage, the role of the right hemisphere in linguistic prosody, and the concept of "subtle phonetic deficit" in fluent aphasia.     

Sentence interpretation in normal and aphasic Hindi speakers.

In interpreting a sentence, listeners rely on a variety of linguistic cues to assign grammatical roles such as agent and patient. The present study considered the relative ranking of three cues to agenthood (word order, noun animacy, and subject-verb agreement) in normal and aphasic speakers of Hindi. Because animacy plays a grammatical role in Hindi (determining the nature and acceptability of sentences without accusative marking), this language is relevant to the claim that Broca's aphasia involves a dissociation between grammar and semantics. Results of Study 1 with normal Hindi-dominant speakers showed that animacy is the strongest cue in this language, while agreement is the weakest cue. In Study 2, Hindi-English bilinguals were tested in both their languages. Most showed the normal animacy-dominant monolingual pattern in Hindi, with a mixture of strategies from both languages in their interpretation of English. A substantial minority showed mixed strategies in both languages. Only 5 of 48 subjects displayed a complete separation between languages, with animacy dominance in Hindi and word order dominance in English. In Study 3, two Hindi-English bilinguals with Broca's aphasia were tested in both languages. Results indicate (a) greater use of animacy in Hindi than in English and (b) greater use of word order in English than in Hindi. The strategies displayed by these patients fall well within the range observed among bilingual normals. We conclude that the use of animacy in sentence interpretation by these aphasic patients reflects preservation of normal, language-specific processing strategies; it cannot be interpreted as a nonlinguistic strategy developed to compensate for receptive agrammatism. Results are discussed in light of other cross-linguistic evidence on sentence comprehension in monolingual and bilingual aphasics.     

Word frequency and root-morpheme frequency effects on processing of Korean particle-suffixed words

Two experiments investigated the roles of the frequency of the root morpheme and the frequency of the whole word for a particular type of suffixed word in Korean in which the suffixed word can be thought of as a phrase (e.g., grandson-with). In both experiments, sentence frames were constructed so that they could have one of two target words that varied on frequency characteristics in the same location in the sentence. In Experiment 1, the frequency of the root morpheme was varied with the frequency of the word controlled, and in Experiment 2, the frequency of the word was varied with the frequency of the root morpheme controlled. Word frequency had a significant effect on fixation times, whereas root morpheme frequency did not. The results were surprising as native Korean speakers view the root morpheme as the “word” (analogous to how English readers would view a noun followed by a prepositional phrase).     

The relationship between prosody and breathing in spontaneous discourse

This article is concerned with the role of prosody in discourse. Three experiments explored the relationship between inspiration, declination, and syntactic boundaries in normal and RHD participants. Fundamental frequency and intensity were measured at the beginning and end of breath units excised from conversational samples. The results revealed evidence of declination of intensity in all samples measured. However, resetting of fundamental frequency was observed only in the samples of normal participants and then only when a breath coincided with the beginning of a sentence. The results suggest that resetting and declination play separate roles in discourse parsing.     

Lexical tones in Thai after unilateral brain damage.

An acoustic perceptual investigation of the five lexical tones of Thai was conducted to evaluate the nature of tonal disruption in patients with unilateral lesions in the left and right hemisphere. Subjects (n = 48) included 10 young normal adults, 10 old normal adults, 11 right hemisphere nonaphasics, 9 left hemisphere fluent aphasics, and 8 left hemisphere nonfluent aphasics. The five Thai tones (mid, low, falling, high, rising) were produced in isolated monosyllables, presented for tonal identification judgments, and measured for fundamental frequency (Fo) and duration. Results of an analysis of variance indicated that left hemisphere nonfluent speakers signaled and tonal contrasts at a lower level of proficiency. The extent of their impairment varied depending on severity level of aphasia. When compared to normal speakers, tonal identification for less severe nonfluent aphasics differed more in degree than in kind, and for more severe nonfluent aphasics differed both in kind and in degree. Acoustic analysis revealed that with the exception of one left nonfluent, average Fo contours were comparable in shape across speaker groups. Variability in Fo production, however, was greater in left nonfluent speakers than in any of the other four groups of speakers. Issues are discussed regarding the extent and nature of tonal disruption in aphasia and hemispheric specialization for tone production.     

Proactive interference effects on sentence production

Proactive interference refers to recall difficulties caused by prior similar memory-related processing. Information-processing approaches to sentence production predict that retrievability affects sentence form: Speakers may word sentences so that material that is difficult to retrieve is spoken later. In this experiment, speakers produced sentence structures that could include an optionalthat, thereby delaying the mention of a subsequent noun phrase. This subsequent noun phrase was either (1) conceptually similar to three previous noun phrases in the same sentence, leading to greater proactive interference, or (2) conceptually dissimilar, leading to less proactive interference. Speakers produced morethats (and were more disfluencies) before conceptually similar noun phrases, suggesting that retrieval difficulties during sentence production affect the syntactic structures of sentences that speakers produce.     

Usage frequencies of complement-taking verbs in Spanish and English: Data from Spanish monolinguals and Spanish—English bilinguals

Verb bias, or the tendency of a verb to appear with a certain type of complement, has been employed in psycholinguistic literature as a tool to test competing models of sentence processing. To date, the vast majority of sentence processing research involving verb bias has been conducted almost exclusively with monolingual speakers, and predominantly with monolingual English speakers, despite the fact that most of the world’s population is bilingual. To test the generality of competing theories of sentence comprehension, it is important to conduct cross-linguistic studies of sentence processing and to add bilingual data to theories of sentence comprehension. Given this, it is critical for the field to develop verb bias estimates from monolingual speakers of languages other than English and from bilingual populations. We begin to address these issues in two norming studies. Study 1 provides verb bias norming data for 135 Spanish verbs. A second aim of Study 1 was to determine whether verb bias estimates remain stable over time. In Study 2, we asked whether Spanish—English speakers are able to learn verb-specific information, such as verb bias, in their second language. The answer to this question is critical to conducting studies that examine when, during the course of sentence comprehension, bilingual speakers exploit verb information specific to the second language. To facilitate cross-linguistic work, we compared our verb bias results with those provided by monolingual English speakers in a previous norming study conducted by Garnsey, Lotocky, Pearlmutter, and Myers (1997). Our Spanish data demonstrated that individual verbs showed significant similarities in their verb bias across the 3 years of data collection. We also show that bilinguals are able to learn the biases of verbs in their second language, even when immersed in the first language environment. Appendixes A–C, containing the bilingual norms discussed in the article, may be downloaded from http://brm.psychonomic-journals.org/content/supplemental.     

Comprehension in aphasia: a cross-linguistic study

Broca's aphasics and normal controls were tested to determine relative sparing and impairment of word order, grammatical morphology, and semantic information in a sentence interpretation task. Patients were native speakers of English, German, or Italian, languages that vary drastically in the "cue validity" or information value of these three sources of information. Word order was selectively spared while grammatical morphology was selectively impaired in all three languages. Nevertheless, language-specific patterns of sentence interpretation remained in Broca's aphasics, even within the impaired morphological component, supporting an interpretation in terms of "accessing" rather than a "loss." Testing with Wernicke's aphasics, anomics, and some additional age-matched controls suggested that the selective vulnerability of morphology is not specific to agrammatic patients, at least in this paradigm.     

Recency effects for meaning and form in word selection

Three experiments examined the contribution of phonological availability in selecting words as predicted by interactive activation models of word production. Homophonous words such as week and weak permitted a word's phonological form to be activated on priming trials without selection of its meaning or lemma. Recent production of a homophone failed to significantly increase production of its twin as a sentence completion. However, speakers were significantly more likely to complete a sentence with a recently read or generated unambiguous word. This increase in response probability was unaffected by word frequency. The results constrain the degree to which experience and phonological availability may affect word selection in spoken language production.     

Strength of German accent under altered auditory feedback

Borden’s (1979, 1980) hypothesis that speakers with vulnerable speech systems rely more heavily on feedback monitoring than do speakers with less vulnerable systems was investigated. The second language (L2) of a speaker is vulnerable, in comparison with the native language, so alteration to feedback should have a detrimental effect on it, according to this hypothesis. Here, we specifically examined whether altered auditory feedback has an effect on accent strength when speakers speak L2. There were three stages in the experiment. First, 6 German speakers who were fluent in English (their L2) were recorded under six conditions—normal listening, amplified voice level, voice shifted in frequency, delayed auditory feedback, and slowed and accelerated speech rate conditions. Second, judges were trained to rate accent strength. Training was assessed by whether it was successful in separating German speakers speaking English from native English speakers, also speaking English. In the final stage, the judges ranked recordings of each speaker from the first stage as to increasing strength of German accent. The results show that accents were more pronounced under frequency-shifted and delayed auditory feedback conditions than under normal or amplified feedback conditions. Control tests were done to ensure that listeners were judging accent, rather than fluency changes caused by altered auditory feedback. The findings are discussed in terms of Borden’s hypothesis and other accounts about why altered auditory feedback disrupts speech control.     

Vocal changes in stutterers and nonstutterers during monotoned speech

For years, reports have circulated that stutterers experience marked decrements in their stuttering when they speak or read in monotone. Wingate has suggested that the ameliorative effects of various novel speaking conditions on stuttering can be attributed to modifications in vocalization induced by such conditions. The present study was conducted to see whether this explanation would extend to monotoned speech as well. Ten teenage and adult stutterers and 10 normal speakers were tested in control and monotone reading conditions. Dependent measures were the frequencies of disfluency and stuttering, fundamental frequency, fundamental frequency standard deviation, vocal SPL, vocal SPL standard deviation, and fluent reading rate. Only within-group statistical comparisons were made, because members of the two groups could not be matched pairwise along critical vocal parameters. The major findings of this study indicated that across the two conditions, both groups significantly reduced their fundamental frequency, fundamental frequency standard deviation, vocal SPL and vocal SPL standard deviation. Only the stutterers exhibited a significant decrement in disfluency and stuttering. The normals did not evince enough disfluency in the control condition for a reduction to occur during monotoning. Neither group effected a reduction in fluent reading rates. These and other findings and interpretations are discussed relative to Wingate's modified vocalization hypothesis.