Individual aggression,national attachment,and the search for peace: Psychological perspectives

The primary question addressed is the role of affect related factors, particularly values, as possible mediators of individual differences in attitudes towards nuclear armament-disarmament issues. One such factor is value placed on children, those individuals who have greater affection for children or who are more supportive of devoting national resources toward meeting children's needs being more supportive of nuclear disarmament and a nuclear test moratorium. This relationship was found in a well-educated group of adults with a special interest in foreign affairs as well as in college student populations. A significant and strong relationship between the value placed on war as an instrument of foreign policy and a pronuclear armament stance was also found in each of these two samples. Measures of individual aggression, however, were minimally and inconsistently related to the attitude towards nuclear armament-disarmament and the attitude towards war measures. The possible role of patriotic and nationalistic values was also explored. Patriotism or love of and pride in one's country was shown to be functionally distinct from nationalism or the view that one's country is superior to and should be more powerful than other nations. Patriotism but not nationalism was found to be positively correlated with early paternal sattachment while nationalism but not patriotism, was found to be significantly related to pronuclear armament views. The findings from this series of studies indicate that the analysis of individual differences in nuclear armament-disarmament policy attitudes has heuristic usefulness and may be useful for social policy in this area.     

In the Eye of the Beholder: Accounting for Variability in Attitudes and Cognitive/Affective Reactions Toward the Threat of Nuclear War1

The present study was designed to evaluate four characteristics of subjects [i.e., generation (students vs. parents), gender, nuclear threat orientation, and political affiliation] in terms of potential differences in attitudes and cognitive/affective reactions toward the threat of nuclear war. Subjects were 297 college students and their parents (n= 546), who completed a multifaceted questionnaire concerning nuclear-related thoughts, feelings, opinions, and predictions. Multivariate analyses suggested that college students were more distressed than parents about the threat of nuclear war, that men were less anxious than women and more supportive of a “peace through strength” perspective, that individuals endorsing the Disarmist orientation were more worried about nuclear war yet more optimistic than other groups concerning their ability to help reduce the nuclear threat, and that Republicans and Democrats were split along party lines in terms of their attitudes and cognitive/affective responses. Results are discussed with regard to the potential influence of sex-role socialization processes and the importance of optimism in a nuclear world.     

Activism Against Nuclear Weapons Build-up—Student Participation in the 1984 Primary Campaigns1

This study presents longitudinal data concerning factors that influence student participation in political campaigns for candidates opposed to nuclear weapons build-up. Participation in campaigns was stimulated by nervousness about the nuclear arms race and the possibility of nuclear war, a feeling of moral obligation to act to try to prevent nuclear war, and several additional factors. The factors that contributed to participation in political campaigns are quite different from the factors found previously to be associated with other types of activism against nuclear weapons build-up. These findings suggest varied strategies for recruiting people to participate in different types of activism.     

Spontaneous concern About Nuclear War by College Students

The issue of nuclear war and its prevention through either a strong military and deterrence or a nuclear weapons freeze and arms reduction has been discussed extensively in the media with a parallel resurgence of this topic in the psychological literature. The purpose of the present study is to add to this professional literature by studying the concerns of persons from non-urban areas. Undergraduates at a small college in the Pacific Northwest volunteered to complete the study during their regular class time in an introductory psychology class. Only 13% of the participants grew up in towns with populations larger than 40,000, and nearly half grew up in towns with populations smaller than 10,000. In response to five presentations each of "I worry about …" and "My greatest fear regarding the future …", one half of all the participants mentioned nuclear war, nuclear bombs, or some related term at least once. Demographic data concerning age, marital status, sex, socioeconomic status, political affiliation, and religious background were used in a stepwise regression analysis to predict spontaneous concern about nuclear war. Sex and how religious a person described himself or herself to be were the only significant predictors. Because of a low R value, the results of the regression analysis should be interpreted tentatively.     

The Effects of Television on Large-Scale Attitude Change: Viewing “The Day After”1

To examine the effects of viewing the television film, “The Day After”, a questionnaire designed to measure attitudes, cognitions, and feelings about the threat of nuclear war was administered to 537 subjects before and after the airing of the film. A factor analysis of pre-viewing test responses yielded a seven-factor solution. Pre–post factor scores indicated increased worry and concern about nuclear war, decreased belief that nuclear war could be survived, increased concern about the occurrence of nuclear war, and increased agreement with views espoused by the nuclear-freeze movement only among subjects who had viewed the film. Subjects who chose not to view the film differed from those who did watch it in terms of greater denial and less involvement in nuclear related activities. The efficacy of the film as an agent of attitude change and the utility of the present questionnaire were discussed.     

Adolescents' knowledge of nuclear issues and the effects of nuclear war

Three hundred fifty-seven college students were surveyed to assess later adolescents' awareness of the status of nuclear arms development and possible effects of a nuclear war on people and the environment. Chi-square analyses were performed to determine whether the frequency of correct responses differed with regard to participants' sex, political orientation, and position toward the United States' possession of nuclear weapons. Results suggest that later adolescents are extremely uninformed regarding the current status of nuclear issues and the consequences of a nuclear war. These data, coupled with findings from previous studies reporting children's and adolescents' concerns and fears about nuclear war, indicate that there is a strong need to educate young people concerning nuclear issues.     

How Users Take Advantage of Different Forms of Interactivity on Online News Sites: Clicking,E‐Mailing,and Commenting

This study examines the uptake of multiple interactive features on news sites. It looks at the thematic composition of the most clicked, most e‐mailed, and most commented stories during periods of heightened and routine political activity. Results show that (a) during the former period, the most commented stories were more likely to be focused on political, economic, and international topics (or “public affairs” news) than the most clicked and most e‐mailed articles. (b) The 3 types of interactivity exhibited a greater presence of public affairs content during the period of heightened political activity than during its routine counterpart. (c) As the period of heightened political activity unfolded, consumers' propensity to click on, e‐mail, and comment about public affairs stories increased.     

Nuclear attitudes and reactions: associations with depression, drug use, and quality of life

For 40 years the world has lived with the threat of nuclear war and, recently, with the possibility of nuclear power plant accidents. Although virtually every generation must confront various national or international crises, the threat of nuclear war is unprecedented in its destructive potential. This study is an attempt to assess attitudes and amount of distress associated with the ever-present threat of nuclear war and the possibility of accidents at nuclear power plants. The Nuclear Attitudes Questionnaire (NAQ) consists of 15 items and was administered to 722 young adults who have grown up in the nuclear age. The items were found to reflect four latent factors of nuclear concern, nuclear support, fear of the future, and nuclear denial, all of which in turn represent a second-order construct of nuclear anxiety. Women reported significantly more nuclear concern, less nuclear support, more fear of the future, and less nuclear denial than did men. In latent-variable models, nuclear anxiety was found to be significantly associated with less purpose in life, less life satisfaction, more powerlessness, more depression, and more drug use. It is concluded that the threat of nuclear war and accidents is significantly related to psychological distress and may disturb normal maturational development.     

Fallout From The Day After. The Impact of a TV Film on Attitudes Related to Nuclear War1

A household survey utilizing a quasi-experimental design was undertaken to assess the impact of the TV movie. The Day After, on a number of psychologically and politically important variables such as the salience of the issue of nuclear war and individuals' beliefs about the efficacy of their own political actions in helping to prevent such a war. Respondents were initially surveyed 2 weeks prior to the movie's airing and were resurveyed afterwards. Contrary to the impression conveyed by reports of a number of public opinion polls, which focussed on attitudes toward government policies, we found that The Day After and the surrounding controversy had a substantial impact on many dimensions including the salience of nuclear war, feelings of personal efficacy, affect related to the idea of a nuclear war, intentions to engage in anti-nuclear behavior, estimates of the probability that a nuclear war would occur, and beliefs about the likelihood and desirability of survival. Two general conclusions emerged. First, many of the effects occurred for the entire sample rather than only for those who watched the film, suggesting that the widely publicized controversy that surrounded the movie contributed to its impact. Second, reactions appeared to be depressive in nature. Compared to the pre-airing responses, the post-airing survey found more passive affective reactions to the idea of nuclear war, decreased estimates of the chances of survival, a decreased desire to survive, and a decreased sense of personal efficiacy. Nonetheless, respondents, especially those who watched The Day After, were more likely to intend to engage in antinuclear war activities after the film than before.     

The Effects of an Anti-Nuclear War Film on Attitudes toward Nuclear Issues

This study tested the effects of an anti-nuclear war film on students' attitudes toward nuclear issues. Twenty-six male and female Canadian undergraduates were shown the film “If You Love This Planet”; another 26 were shown a neutral film. Students shown the anti-nuclear war film showed more support for activism and protest against nuclear war. The study provided evidence that a film can influence activist attitudes toward nuclear issues and that such attitudes are based more on self-concern than on altruistic concern about one's country. The study also found that males tended to be more optimistic than females about the future of the human race and more willing than females to sacrifice themselves for their country.     

Authoritarianism and Political Impoverishment: Deficits in Knowledge and Civic Disinterest

Past research shows that authoritarian individuals hold strong opinions about a variety of political and social issues, such as race relations and military conflict. What has not been established, though, is the amount of general political knowledge that authoritarians possess. In this study, three groups of college students were administered Altemeyer's Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) scale; most of them also received items assessing general political knowledge and specific knowledge about the 2000 presidential election, as well as items assessing interest in politics. Relative to students with low RWA scores, those with high scores possessed less political knowledge; moreover, they expressed less interest in learning about politics. In general, authoritarianism was unrelated to how individuals got their political information or how credible they found their sources. The implication that authoritarians hold strong attitudinal beliefs with weak political knowledge is discussed.     

The Moral Reality in Realism

abstract This paper aims to gain a deeper understanding of the different forms of moralism in order to throw light upon debates about the role of morality in international affairs. In particular, the influential doctrine of political realism is reinterpreted as objecting not to a role for morality in international politics, but to the baneful effects of moralism. This is a more sympathetic reading than that usually given by philosophers to the realist doctrines. I begin by showing the ambiguity and elusiveness of realist claims about morality in politics and then distinguish six forms of moralism, understood as a distortion of genuine morality: moralism of scope, of imposition, of abstraction, of absolutism, of inappropriate explicitness, and of deluded power. I argue that most of these are relevant to typical realist claims and can make their objections more plausible. But, though realists can be interpreted as rightly drawing attention to the dangers of moralism in international and national affairs, their conflation of moralism with morality wrongly leads them to an exaltation of the pursuit of national interest and to the rejection of policies and judgements that are not in fact moralistic.     

Increasing the Salience of Risky Sexual Behavior: Promoting Interest in HIV-Antibody Testing Among Heterosexually Active Young Adults1

The present study examines whether making the risk associated with unsafe sexual behavior more salient would increase interest in HIV testing. The HIV-related beliefs and behaviors reported by a sample of college students were assessed both before and after they had viewed a vulnerability-oriented film about HIV/AIDS. Viewing the film heightened sexually active participants' belief that they might currently be HIV seropositive. Among participants who were currently sexually active, heightened perceptions of risk and concern about sexual behavior predicted intentions to utilize HIV testing services (controlling for initial risk perceptions and behavior). Those who engaged in behaviors related to HIV testing during the 4-week period after the film had expressed stronger HIV intentions and more pronounced feelings of anxiety and concern about prior sexual behavior. These results suggest that risk-enhancing interventions can stimulate interest in HIV testing.     

Children and Political Violence from a Social Ecological Perspective: Implications from Research on Children and Families in Northern Ireland

The effects on children of political violence are matters of international concern, with many negative effects well-documented. At the same time, relations between war, terrorism, or other forms of political violence and child development do not occur in a vacuum. The impact can be understood as related to changes in the communities, families and other social contexts in which children live, and in the psychological processes engaged by these social ecologies. To advance this process-oriented perspective, a social ecological model for the effects of political violence on children is advanced. This approach is illustrated by findings and methods from an ongoing research project on political violence and children in Northern Ireland. Aims of this project include both greater insight into this particular context for political violence and the provision of a template for study of the impact of children’s exposure to violence in other regions of the world. Accordingly, the applicability of this approach is considered for other social contexts, including (a) another area in the world with histories of political violence and (b) a context of community violence in the US.     

Gender differences in self-evaluations of information about current affairs

This study examines how gender is related to self-evaluations of information to discuss current social and political issues. The sample is one of predominantly white (96%) college graduates. Using alumni samples, we look at how members of four classes that span 20 years evaluate their knowledge to hold conversations on a variety of public affairs issues ranging from the Strategic Defense Initiative to government funding of abortion. We find gender differences, with men perceiving themselves more knowledgeable in conversations and women less so. We raise the possibility that they are “doing gender.” The implications of these findings are explored.     

Young adults' knowledge of politics: evaluating the role of socio-cognitive variables using structural equations

The aim of this study was to create an explanatory model that allows analyzing the predictive power of a set of variables related to political knowledge; more specifically, to analyze the relationship between the education level of young adults and the variables, interest in politics and internal political efficacy. We also analyzed the combined relationship between these variables, together with age, and political knowledge. We worked with a sample group of 280 young adults between the ages of 18-30 from the city of Córdoba (Argentina). The data was subjected to a structural equation modelling SEM analysis, which allowed for the corroboration of the following hypotheses: the higher the education level, the more the interest in politics; the higher the education level, the better the perception of internal political efficacy; the higher the education level, the more the political knowledge; the more the interest in politics, the more the political knowledge; and the better the perception of internal political efficacy, the more interest in politics. Moreover, the following hypotheses could not be verified: the older an individual, the more the political knowledge; and the better the perception of internal political efficacy, the more the political knowledge. The model obtained allows for discussion of the explanatory value of these socio-cognitive variables.     

Political Attitudes and the Vietnam War: A Study of College-Educated Men of the Vietnam Generation1

Groups of Vietnam veterans (n= 52), Vietnam era veterans (n= 77), and nonveterans (n= 249), all of whom had graduated from an Ivy League university in 1966, were compared in terms of their retrospectively reported general political orientation in 1966 and their current orientation and specific political attitudes in 1990–1991. The Vietnam veterans rated themselves as being more conservative than the nonveterans on political orientation and on specific political issues in 1990–1991. The Vietnam-era veterans tended to take an intermediate position politically between the other two groups. Controlling for retrospective political orientation in 1966, intensity of military experience predicted more ideological conservatism and more support for the war against Iraq, as well as a more conservative position on a number of specific political issues of current interest. Results are consistent with the idea that critical experiences in young adulthood, namely military service in Vietnam, may affect political attitudes over many years.     

Chinese teenagers' concerns about the future: a cross-national comparison.

Teenagers in the U.S., U.S.S.R., Eastern Europe, Western Europe, and New Zealand have consistently rated death of a parent and nuclear war as their greatest concerns about the future. In the present study, however, Chinese teenagers rated overpopulation and environmental pollution as their greatest concerns; these were usually rated quite low by teenagers in other countries. While still of concern to Chinese teenagers, nuclear war seemed more remote to them than it did to U.S. and U.S.S.R. teenagers and therefore more survivable. Speculation is offered as to how teenagers' concerns reflect those of a country's general population.     

Psychological Responses to the Threat of Nuclear War

We investigated the nature of psychological responses to the threat of nuclear war and the relationships between attitudes and behavior in three studies. The first was a quasi-experimental study of the effects of a film depiction of nuclear war on attitudes and behavior. Results suggested that exposure was mediated by a sense of control over political events, but that exposure itself had no significant effect on psychological responses to nuclear war. The second was an experimental investigation of the effects of efficacy enhancing, fear arousing, or informational tactics as well as individual differences on memory for relevant information and political activism on the issue of nuclear arms control. Results indicated that men exposed to the fear arousal tactic were less likely to take action than those exposed to information alone or efficacy enhancement, whereas women exposed to fear arousal were more likely to act. Gender differences are explained in terms of the socialization of male responses to fear, the "macho" response. Those who showed less denial were more likely to act, as were those who stated intentions to take action. The third study employed structural modeling to examine the relationships between attitudes and behavior. Results supported the Model of Reasoned Action (Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975) in showing that intentions to act mediated the relationship between attitudes and behavior on this issue.