How are sociosexuality, sex drive, and lifetime number of sexual partners related?

In two studies (ns = 277 and 221), the authors examined the relationships among sex drive, sociosexuality, lifetime number of sex partners, and gender identity. They found that sex drive is highly and positively correlated with sociosexual orientation, and that both sex drive and sociosexual orientation are positively correlated with lifetime number of sex partners. However, partial correlations revealed that sociosexual orientation is an independent predictor of lifetime number of sex partners, whereas sex drive is not. The authors were also able to replicate and extend Mikach and Bailey's (1999) finding that gender identity is related to women's lifetime number of sex partners. More masculine women had more sex partners and had a less restricted sociosexual orientation than did less masculine women; less masculine men had a higher sex drive than did more masculine men. The findings are discussed with regard to theory and research on sex drive and sociosexuality.     

How are number words mapped to approximate magnitudes?

How do we map number words to the magnitudes they represent? While much is known about the developmental trajectory of number word learning, the acquisition of the counting routine, and the academic correlates of estimation ability, previous studies have yet to describe the mechanisms that link number words to nonverbal representations of number. We investigated two mechanisms: associative mapping and structure mapping. Four dot array estimation tasks found that adults' ability to match a number word to one of two discriminably different sets declined as a function of set size and that participants' estimates of relatively large, but not small, set sizes were influenced by misleading feedback during an estimation task. We propose that subjects employ structure mappings for linking relatively large number words to set sizes, but rely chiefly on item-by-item associative mappings for smaller sets. These results indicate that both inference and association play important roles in mapping number words to approximate magnitudes.     

How are high school studies related to performance in a psychology degree?

The relationship between performance in final high school studies, on which the university entrance system is based, and performance in a psychology major at university is examined. A total of 241 students were identified who completed first year psychology at a regional university, and had started university within two years of completing high school. Their marks in psychology subjects over the 3‐year major program, their University Admission Index (UAI) and Higher School Certificate subject profile were extracted from the university student records system and subjected to a series of analyses. Psychology marks were averaged to produce a score for each of the three year‐levels. UAI correlated with performance at all three levels (.42 – .49) and was the strongest predictor of performance. Having studied mathematics or a creative arts subject, but not a science subject, had a significant impact on performance in the psychology course over and above the influence of UAI score.     

How ‘boundaryless’ are the careers of high potentials,key experts and average performers?

The talent management literature declares talent management a prime concern for HRM professionals while the careers literature calls talent management archaic. Three sets of assumptions identified through comparative review of both streams of the literature were tested in a large-scale survey (n = 941). We found more support for the assumptions advocated in the talent management literature. Those who organizations consider their ‘best’ people are more often found in traditional-organizational careers – both in terms of employer inducements and employee attitudes. Traditional–organizational careers yield more career satisfaction than careers displaying more boundaryless features. Individuals' career types are mostly determined by supervisor-rated performance, much more so than by personal career orientation.     

How are pictures registered in memory?

Three experiments tested the hypothesis that pictorial memory is much less dependent on rehearsal than is verbal memory. Experiment I examined incidental learning since this is assumed to reflect learning with little or no rehearsal. Following a classification task, intentional and incidental learning for pictures and for words was compared. The superiority of pictorial memory was especially marked in incidental learning. Experiment II showed that this result was not due to differences in the amount of processing required to classify pictures and words. RTs to classify words and pictures did not differ, and incidental learning was again superior for pictures. In Experiment III rehearsal opportunity was restricted by a concurrent task during presentation of word and picture lists, and the decrement was very much greater for word learning than for picture learning. It was concluded that manipulation of rehearsal opportunity has relatively little effect on pictorial memory.     

How are cognitive and physical difficulty compared?

Tasks that require less physical effort are generally preferred over more physically demanding alternatives. Similarly, tasks that require less mental effort are generally preferred over more mentally demanding alternatives. But what happens when one must choose between tasks that entail different kinds of effort, one mainly physical (e.g., carrying buckets) and the other mainly mental (e.g., counting)? We asked participants to choose between a bucket-carrying task and a counting task. Our participants were less likely to choose the bucket task when it required a long reach rather than a short reach, and our participants were also less likely to choose the bucket task the smaller the final count value. We tested the hypothesis that subjective task durations provided a common currency for comparing the difficulties of the two kinds of tasks. We found that this hypothesis provided a better account of the task choice data than did an account that relied on objective task durations. Our study opens the door to a new problem in the study of attention, perception, and psychophysics—judging the difficulty of different kinds of tasks. The approach we took to this problem, which relies on two-alternative forced choice along with modeling the basis for the choice, may prove useful in future investigations.     

How lonely are gay and lesbian youth?

UCLA Loneliness Scale (8-item version) scores in a sample of 384 gay and lesbian adolescents support the hypothesis that such youths are especially vulnerable to loneliness.     

How special are objects? Children's reasoning about objects, parts, and holes

Discrete physical objects have a special status in cognitive and linguistic development. Infants track and enumerate objects, young children are biased to construe novel words as referring to objects, and, when asked to count an array of items, preschool children tend to count the discrete objects, even if explicitly asked to do otherwise. We address here the question of whether discrete physical objects are the only entities that have this special status, or whether other individuals are salient as well. In two experiments, we found that 3-year-olds are just as good at identifying, tracking, and counting certain nonobject entities (holes in Experiment 1; holes and parts in Experiment 2) as they are with objects. These results are discussed in light of different theories of the nature and development of children's object bias.     

How similar are recognition memory and inductive reasoning?

Conventionally, memory and reasoning are seen as different types of cognitive activities driven by different processes. In two experiments, we challenged this view by examining the relationship between recognition memory and inductive reasoning involving multiple forms of similarity. A common study set (members of a conjunctive category) was followed by a test set containing old and new category members, as well as items that matched the study set on only one dimension. The study and test sets were presented under recognition or induction instructions. In Experiments 1 and 2, the inductive property being generalized was varied in order to direct attention to different dimensions of similarity. When there was no time pressure on decisions, patterns of positive responding were strongly affected by property type, indicating that different types of similarity were driving recognition and induction. By comparison, speeded judgments showed weaker property effects and could be explained by generalization based on overall similarity. An exemplar model, GEN-EX (GENeralization from EXamples), could account for both the induction and recognition data. These findings show that induction and recognition share core component processes, even when the tasks involve flexible forms of similarity.     

Religion and medicine: How are they related?

This paper provides a comprehensive and dynamic profile of religion-medicine interrelationships. This profile is drawn from the respective characteristics of religion and medicine, as well as from historic and contemporary literature regarding their interconnections. Six symbiotic functions are identified and discussed with respect to their bearing on clinical practice, medical education, and research.The authors thank Drs. Chester R. Burns, Thomas H. Murray, and Ronald A. Carson for their comments on drafts of this paper.     

How central are judgment and agency to epistemology?

Ernest Sosa’s Judgment and Agency marks an important change from his earlier work in epistemology. While belief was at the center of his earlier approach to epistemological issues, a far more sophisticated mental state, judgment, plays the central role here. This paper examines the significance of this change in focus, and argues that there is reason to favor the earlier belief-centered approach over this new judgment-centered account.     

How robust are the deviations in haptic parallelity?

Several studies have shown that physically parallel bars do not feel parallel and vice versa. The most plausible cause of this deviation is the biasing influence of an egocentric reference frame. The aim of the present study was to assess the strength of this egocentric contribution. The deviations from veridicality were measured in six experiments where subjects were presented with either haptic or visual information about parallelity or their deviations. It was found that even direct error feedback (either haptically or visually) did not even nearly result in veridical performance. The improvements found were attributed to a shift in focus towards a more allocentric reference frame, possibly reflecting the same mechanisms as found in delay and noninformative vision studies. We conclude that the illusionary percept of haptic parallelity is rather robust and is indeed caused by a strong reliance on an egocentric reference frame.     

What are careers officers thinking of? How information cues are selected and used in careers interviews

This paper explores the information-seeking practices of careers officers during careers interviews. Research in decision-making is used to establish hypotheses, with a focus on findings in the fields of heuristics, cognitive mapping and medical diagnostics. Sensitive areas for careers guidance providers in this research field are outlined. A small-scale research project is described, which indicated support for several of the hypotheses. A model is suggested of how careers officers may elicit and use information cues in order to mentally match clients' post-16 choices against perceived opportunities. The implications for careers officer practice and careers service fundholders are discussed.     

How Loving are You Willing to Be? Empathic Interpretations of Fallibility,Capability, and Luck in Psychotherapy

This article addresses possibilities for more empathic interpretations in the clinical situation. Using both clinical case material and mythical allegories, the author, a psychotherapist and philosopher, considers the interrelated themes of human capability, fallibility, luck, and compassion within the context of clinical circumstances, especially in relation to intractable compulsive disorders. While addressing the implications of deterministic and indeterministic assumptions regarding human nature, the author attempts to show how human capability is subject to fallibility and how both are dependent on the workings of luck. Clinical material is then used to elucidate and illustrate more empathic ways of relating both to patients in particular and our fellow human beings in general. A new interpretive framework is also introduced to facilitate and to suggest ways to more compassionately understand, interpret, and respond to patients' own struggles for well being.