从商周古文字思考"乾"、"坤"卦名构字——兼释"(田申) "字

本文中旨在以甲骨卜辞和青铜铭文的敬据,重新审视"乾"、"坤"卦名问题.笔者认为乾卦卦名指涉的是天的状态,即<鹖冠子>所言:"天燥而水生焉"."天燥"即"天乾",甲骨卜辞和先泰传世文献均可补正段玉裁"上出为乾,下注为湿"的看法.关于"坤"字,以先秦出土及传世的文献推论,应与"(田申) "有异体字的关系,表达的是圣地的概念,"(田申)" 字本意指雷泽隰地,所以"坤"字原本也是神圣隰地的意思,即<鹖冠子>所言:"地湿而火生焉.""乾"、"坤"二字正好构成天干地湿的相对意思,可完整地象征天地宇宙,以及<易>经中,自然现象问相对而义互补的规律.     

论旬子与《周易》的关系兼及"六经并称"的时代问题

刘向称荀子"善为<易>",但文献所载<易>的传系中没有荀子.本文对荀子易学的渊源、荀子引<易>说<易>的特点、荀子与<易传>的关系以及"六经并称"的时代问题进行了探讨.     

"陶伯特说"与"罗扬说":我们该采信哪个?

"陶伯特说"认为马克思的<穆勒摘要>写于<44年手稿>笔记本Ⅲ之后,而"罗扬说"认为<穆勒摘要>写于(44年手稿>笔记本Ⅲ之前.本文对"陶伯特说"与"罗扬说"的论证过程进行了详细考察.结论是:"陶伯特说"既已成为MEGA2编委会所接受的文献学结论,理应成为中国学者进行马克思巴黎时期文本解读研究的文献学依据.     

论程大昌的易学思想

程大昌是南宋时期图书学派的重要代表人物,著有<易原>、<易老通言>两部易学专著,他以刘牧所论的黑白点图式的河图洛书为<周易>之原,以"太极"为制变之祖.本文指出,在尚未对河图洛书的来源与内容上进行理性求证的情况下,程大昌提出"卦画之智发于图书",并将圣人作<易>看成是天地用心"以数发智"的结果,为<周易>的源起抹上了浓厚的神秘色彩,而他解"易有太极"为"变易之道有立乎其极者焉",释"四象生八卦"为四气生八卦"出震终艮"更迭之序,将<周易>之"太极"与<老子>之"一"贯通理解,则拓展了<周易>文本的诠释空间.     

帛书《要》篇"夫子老而好易"章新释

马王堆帛书<要>篇"夫子老而好易"章第十四行中间的缺文当补为"予樂[亓辤也,予何]尤於此乎",第十五行的"校"字当依<论语·泰伯>孔子语读为"绞",第十五行中同的缺文当补为"吾告女(汝)<易>之道:良[筮而善占],此百生(姓)之道[也,非]<易>也",第十六行中间的缺文当补为"[非文王]之自(作<易>,予何[知]亓事纣乎".     

从"随时从道"到随吾心之"正"——试论《童溪易传》以心解《易》的基本理路

本文认为,王宗传的主要学术贡献在于开启了南宋以心解<易>的方向,他的这一解<易>思想体系主要是通过两个方面完成的:一方面,王宗传继承王弼的易学理路,发展了程氏易学随时从道的思想;另一方面,王宗传结合孟子的心性理论,将随时收归向内,以正心为追求,人心既正,发用于外,无不随时.王宗传强调随正,由此推动了义理易学的发展.本文试图通过分析<童溪易传>中"随时从道"到随吾心之"正"的转化,揭示其以心解<易>的理路.     

以《易》明"道"的易学史观--郭雍易学史观研究

郭雍是兼山学派的代表人物,学术思想属于程门支流.郭雍秉承义理解易之风,推崇二程、张载而又自成一家.郭雍反对象数派的<河图><洛书>衍生大易的观点.他认为<易>为圣人明道之书.到了春秋时期,大道不行,卜筮成为主流.<易>为包羲、文王、周公、孔子四圣人所作.对"道、象、数"的关系,郭雍提出了自己的看法.郭雍还认为汉代以来,象数之学附会于<易>,圣人之道熄灭无传.直到程颢、程颐、张载三先生发挥易理精奥,圣人之道才得以重现.郭雍的父亲郭忠孝是程颐的学生,郭雍作<郭氏传家易说>的目的就是继承程颐和其父的解<易>传统,阐明圣人之道也.     

《太玄》的筮法和天道观略论

<太玄>是西汉社会天人感应思想影响下的一个学术产物,也是继孟喜、京房易学之后推阐天道的又一数术工具.扬雄创作<太玄>,既是一次对<周易>经传的模拟与改造,也是对易卦筮法的一次再创造.<太玄>筮法的出现,是对先秦西汉数术之学、尤其是对象数易学的一次大整合;扬雄以"玄"为宁宙本体的天道观,正是在对筮法进行重新构建的基础上建立起来的.     

变卦解《易》思想源流考论

结合四库提要所勾勒的"变卦解易"这一易学史上的重要线索,本文考述了<易小传>与<易变体义>、<易纂言>与<易象义>、<易象正>与<易原就正>的关系及其思想特色,澄清了其间的一些误传与误会.同时指出变卦解易这一思想流派早在四库之前的丁易东那里就已有所总结;指出以动爻变卦解<易>的思想发轫于<左传>中的古老筮例,明确于南宋沈该的<易小传>和都絮的<易变体义>,经宋元之际吴澄的<易纂言>和丁易东的<易象义>,到明代黄道周的<易象正>达到其高峰,清代包仪的<易原就正>受到黄道周<易象正>的影响很大.     

从数字卦和卦象看《周易》的成书

<周易>的"象"有悠久的历史,其源头可追溯到上古文献<三坟>.卜筮在商朝时已成熟,早在商朝时就有官方易学和民间易学之分,所谓组成数字卦的数字应该是符号而不是筮数,在<周易>之前有<商易>,<商易>是商代巫咸结合远古文化与筮数而成.在商周时期有官方<易>和民间<易>,<周易>是对商代官方易学<商易>亦即<坤乾>的损益.从各种文献看,今传本<周易>的成书是比较晚的,<周易>形成后有很多不同的传本,亦有义理<周易>和卜筮<周易>之分.     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.